就分析範疇的族群意涵而言，位於宜蘭與花蓮邊界的澳花村多為人知的是一個泰雅族部落，部落族人也多認為自己是泰雅族。本研究嘗試從族群實踐的面向，於歷史過程中，解析澳花村「泰雅族」這個概念，回溯在部族、日治與民國不同時期，Tayal（泰雅）、Tosa（陶賽）與Truku（太魯閣族）人，於立霧溪與和平溪流域之間，透過競爭、結盟、通婚，甚至宗教的結合，加上國家政策與現代化的影響，以不同層次的連結與認同，不同的自稱（例如Klesan，Bgala或Cyuku）與他稱，以及「社」、「村」的認同，參與了澳花村「泰雅族」的建構。這些不同族群，不同層次的接納與排拒，都是在相對的關係與情境中形成，Truku的強勢競爭角色促使了Tosa與Tayal的結盟；另一方面，光復後，一群Truku家族從花蓮崇德移民來到澳花，Tosa在Truku與Tayal之間，透過宗教與語言扮演中介的角色，化解Truku與Tayal的隔閡，成了澳花村Truku與Tayal融合的黏合劑，在往後在地化過程，太魯閣族移民也漸漸接受泰雅的認同。

According to the categories of analysis in term of ethnicity, rgayung village in I-lan has been known as a Tayal tribe. This research is aimed to deconstruct the concept of "Tayal" at the categories of practice in the historical process. Actually, it is Tayal, Tosa and Truku who sequentially participate in the construction of "Tayal" at rgayung through competition, alliance, intermarriage, and joins in religious practice during different historical periods and by different levels of identity such as Klesan, Bgala, Cyuku or different levels of local identity such as she and village. In this process, the nation-state policy for indigenous people and modernization exert a great impact at the same time. Additionally, "Tayal" is constructed through the process of inclusion and exclusion in the relative and situational relations. For example, the pressure from Truku becomes a accelerator for the integration between Tosa and Tayal; Tosa with the similarity of culture as Truku plays as a mediator to bring together Tayal and Truku immigrant to rgayung. Consequently, Truku lodging at the land of Tayal localize and recognize themselves as Tayal.