The policy of magnanimity toward Japan after World War II, a strategic political gesture, largely reflected Chiang Kai-shek's hope of reconciliation with the Japanese in the post-war era. Its practical measures included maintaining the emperor-system, not dismembering Japan, and quickly repatriating prisoners of war; however, Chiang did not initially consider canceling war reparations. In other words, since the Cairo conference Chiang had demanded that Japan should pay China reparations in industrial equipment and military goods. During the post-war era, the Nationalist government, through the Far Eastern Commission, began the removal of some Japanese factories for reparations. However, the situation then changed with the Communist takeover of mainland China, and the Nationalist government agreed to give up its reparation claims, which was acknowledged in the peace treaty signed in 1952. It was also the 1949 Communist revolution in China that changed the policy of the United States toward Japan and destroyed the chances of the Nationalist government to seek reparations. Originally, the U. S. had supported reparations, but later it disallowed any of the powers from seeking reparations. The only exception was for other Asian countries to demand symbolic labor service. This definitely destroyed the possibility for the Nationalist government to demand war reparations, and since the mainland was lost to the Communists, it could not even demand symbolic labor service. Chiang Kai-shek also forgave a defeated Japan all its war crimes because of his belief that the Japanese people had not been China's enemies. He believed that China and Japan were fundamentally as close as brothers, and as soon as Japanese militarism perished, Sino-Japanese relations could return to friendship. As well, if a post-war China led Asia in the future, Japan would surely follow, letting bygones be bygones. Chiang thus not only wanted China to decline to take revenge after the war, but also to help Japan rebuild. In Chiang's view, post-war Sino-Japanese relations could not only move from hostility to friendship, but also the Japanese would follow the lead of China. Prior to the war, both nations shared anti-communist policies, and in the post-war period anti-communism should become an even more powerful glue. In the latter years of the war, before the U. S. had recognized the international communist threat and still advocated strict punishment of Japan, Chiang was determined to follow a policy of magnanimity toward Japan and support the maintenance of the emperor-system and Japan's territorial integrity. In addition to support for the emperor-system and Japan's territorial integrity as part of a long-term plan to deal with the Soviet Union, Chiang also had a more immediate need to cooperate with Japan. The clearest case was the issue of postwar surrender, which for the Nationalist government was another battle to defend its sovereignty over mainland China. In terms of the political crisis facing the Nationalists, success in receiving Japan's surrender would not only help it against the Communists but also in its later relations with other nations. At the cost of Outer Mongolia and Port Arthur, the treaty of friendship and alliance with USSR committed the Soviet Union not to support the Communists against the Nationalist government and not to intervene on China's northeastern border or in Sinkiang (Xinjiang). However, the Soviet Union would fulfill its treaty obligations only if the Nationalist government could stabilize its authority over mainland China. On the other hand, the U. S., although the Nationalists' most important ally during the war, strongly supported peace talks between the GMD and the CCP and opposed the Nationalists' policy of fighting the Communists. Facing these internal and external pressures, the Nationalists absolutely had to receive Japan's surrender in order to maintain any semblance of power. On the eve of Japan's surrender, the Nationalist forces were concentrated in southwest and northwest China, and they had to move to the north and northeast to take over the occupied areas-just next to the Communist-controlled areas. This obviously gave the Communists a geographical advantage in moving in on the Japanese areas, and so the challenge facing Chiang was how to mobilize the Japanese troops to hold out until the Nationalists could arrive. Chiang's strategy was to maintain the existing Japanese military system, to share supplies with them, and to offer them the same levels of treatment as the Nationalist army. With Japanese cooperation, the Nationalists thus regained control of 21 of 27 strategic cities, while six were occupied by the USSR. This high degree of cooperation with the Japanese army was the key to the Nationalists' takeover of the occupied territories. Especially in North China, in securing railway transportation and military supplies, the Japanese army lost at least 9,000 soldiers within half a year (including the wounded and missing)-evidence of the high degree of Japanese military coordination with Chiang. The policy of allying with Japan against the Communists thus came to fruition, allowing the Nationalist government to smoothly reassert its leadership over China. Therefore, any evaluation of the merits and problems of Chiang Kai-shek's magnanimity policy should take into account the rapidly changing historical situation: the "fall of the mainland" to the Communists and their extended period of rule. In other words, Chiang's original expectations were not entirely unmet, for policies like support for the emperor-system and Japan's territorial integrity were all helpful to its post-war reconstruction. The restored Japan did become the Pacific's central base of resistance to international communism. However, with the loss of the mainland to the Communists, which destroyed Chiang's hopes that China would become the leading country in Asia, and with the Communists' successful maintenance of power, the Japanese government broke off formal diplomatic relations with the Nationalist government and established them with Communist China in 1972.