本文以「使」、「令」、「教(交)」、「叫」、「讓」這五個動詞所構成的使役結構為主，探討漢語使役結構發展出致使用法的演變過程，並解釋其演變原因。歷史語料顯示，這五個句式的發展雖然有早有晚、有快有慢，但都經歷相似的演變過程，一致呈現三方面的演變傾向：從使役到致使、從有意致使到無意致使，以及從一般致使到描述性致使。這三方面的演變都是泛化(generalization)機制所引發的，包括使役動詞詞彙意義的泛化、主語類型的泛化，以及賓語指涉的泛化。 從使役到致使的演變中，使役動詞的意義明顯虛化且語法程度提高，但卻仍是句中的核心動詞，並未降類(de-categorialized)。文中將提出兩股相逆的動力 來解釋此一特殊發展。這項演變正說明詞義的虛化並不一定造成語法範疇的降類，從使役到致使的演變並不能算是語法化現象。

This paper aims to study the causativisation of Chinese Shi-yi Constructions, and examines the history of five Shi-yi verbs, i.e. Shi(使), Ling(令), Jiao(教), Jiao(叫) and Rang(讓). Three major tendencies are found in their history: from indirect imperatives to causatives, from deliberate causatives to non-deliberate causatives, and from general causatives to descriptive causatives. This paper argues that the mechanism for the three changes is generalization, including the generalization of the verb meaning, the generalization of the subject type and the generalization of the reference of the object. While the causativisation of Chinese Shi-yi verbs shows the increase of semantic bleaching and the decrease of grammaticality, the verbs are not de-categorialized and thus not grammaticalized. Two forces are proposed to explain this particular phenomenon based on their syntactic characteristics. This case indicates that semantic bleaching is not necessarily accompanied by decategorialization and the causativisation of Chinese Shi-yi verbs is not a case of grammaticalization.