澳洲政府對東亞區域主義的態度因時而異，因問題而異。從歷史上看，工黨政府對東亞區域主義比保守黨政府積極。而坎培拉當局在考慮東亞區域主義的利益時最主要的因素是澳洲的參與是否會在未來任何區域機制受到歡迎。 本文主旨在剖析過去廿年澳洲對東亞貿易區域主義的政策。然而，貿易只不過是過去廿年澳洲不斷積極參與東亞合作活動中的一個面向而已。在經濟層面，過去十五年東亞國家在貨幣及財政問題合作的重要性與日俱增。 擔心會被排除在東亞區域組織之外是傳統上澳洲對東亞區域主義態度的驅動力。這點對台灣官員言是相當熟悉的。就是在這種憂慮下，促使澳洲強化在貿易方面透過世界貿易組織（WTO）無歧視原則來進行自由化的偏好。而自一九九九年趕搭上雙邊主義的列車以來，澳洲對雙邊主義的有增無減，先是用雙邊協商來作為遏阻一些東協國家反對澳洲加入東亞區域經濟組織的策略，但後來則越發將雙邊主義用來作為強化與其最重要經濟伙伴合作的工具。 東亞經濟整合走向雙邊主義對台灣不利，因為台灣雖為亞太經濟合作會議（APEC）與WTO的會員國，但卻被排除在西太平洋盆地的雙邊協商之外，此乃因中國對台灣的潛在伙伴施壓所致。現在澳洲已是雙邊主義俱樂部的一員，較無意將雙邊主義推及目前不在雙邊主義俱樂部者，也對台灣試圖推動以APEC為基礎的自由貿易區之作法不感興趣。坎培拉當局並不認為APEC能使貿易自由化產生任何重大進展。雖然目前原則上沒有任何事足以阻止澳洲與台灣進行雙邊自由貿易協定（FTA）協商，但是除非美國與台灣先完成FTA，建立先例，否則澳洲是不太可能與台灣舉行雙邊FTA協商的。

The debate between free traders and environmentalists concerning the relationship between trade liberalisation and environmental protection has been a long-standing and continuing one. Numerous studies have indicated both positive and negative impact on the environment as a result of trade liberalisation. Environmental advocates are particularly concerned with how international trade rules undermine governments’ ability to regulate and enforce domestic as well as international environmental regulations. On the international front, campaign to change international trade rules focuses on the ‘greening’ of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). From the environmentalists’ perspective, the 1991 US trade dispute with Mexico concerning the importation of tuna under the then GATT regime was the living proof of how international trade rules have weakened government’s ability to enforce its domestic environmental law. In the current Doha negotiation round under the auspices of the WTO, negotiations on trade and environment has been incorporated within the negotiation mandate under the Doha Ministerial Declaration, which indicates the increasing importance of balancing trade and environment interests under the international trading regime. This article will briefly introduce some of the trade and environment issues in the GATT/WTO regime. Parallel to the ongoing negotiation under the WTO, there has also been proliferation of negotiating and concluding regional/free trade agreements (FTAs) between or amongst WTO Members and/or non-Members. As of January 2005, 312 regional trade agreements (RTAs) have been notified to the GATT/WTO according to the notification requirement. Since the establishment of the WTO in January 1995, 196 new RTAs have been notified to the WTO, with an average of 11 notifications every year. Recent FTAs and customs unions falling under the legal cover of GATT Article XXIV and/or GATS Article V often go beyond the WTO regulatory framework to include provision on investment, competition, intellectual property, environment, and labour issues. The inclusion of such provisions can be seen especially in RTAs amongst developed and developing countries, perhaps reflecting the interests that developed economies place in such issues. This phenomenon also demonstrates the increasing importance of environmental and social issues in the contemporary negotiation and formation of free trade agreements. Much of the literature on trade and environment concentrate on the discussion of relevant rules and practices of the GATT/WTO and their impact on the environment. Trade and environment issues in the context of FTAs/RTAs, on the other hand, focus mostly on the rules and practices of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) as NAFTA adopts quite a unique approach to deal with trade and environment issues. In addition, several FTAs, such as the US—Jordan FTA and the US—Chile FTA, signed by the US also pay particular attention to environmental issues. Compared to the American approach, what are the approaches the FTAs/RTAs within the Asian Pacific region adopt with regard to this matter? This article will examine some of the FTAs/RTAs within the Asia Pacific region to identify whether environmental issues are incorporated in these free trade agreements. Since becoming a WTO Member in January 2002, Taiwan participates in the operations of various WTO bodies actively, including the Committee on Trade and Environment (CTE). Due to its unique position in the trade and environment debate in the context of the relationship between multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) and the WTO,Taiwan submitted several position papers in the Special Session of the CTE (CTESS)and contributed valuable input in the Doha negotiation on trade and environment. Nevertheless, the primary concern the government has in participating in the trade and environment negotiation is to safeguard Taiwan’s legitimate trade interests under the WTO regime. In the meantime, Taiwan also began to pursue the policy of initiating FTAs negotiation with its most important trading partners as well as countries that remain diplomatic ties with Taiwan. The implementation of this policy, however, has been difficult because of Taiwan’s legal status under international law. Under the circumstances, will the linkages with environmental issues open a new opportunity for Taiwan’s strategies? Or is it “safer” to leave out such sensitive issues in order not to complicate the negotiation of FTAs? This issue will also be explored in this article.