In terms of argument structure, the verb chi1 吃 ‘eat’ requires an agent and a theme as the subject and object respectively. The agent subject possesses the semantic features of [+volition] and [+control], while the theme object has the feature of [+concrete]. Aside from the typical action and transitive usage, non-action and intransitive usage, meaning suffering, also exists. In the case of the non-action and intransitive usage, the subject becomes an experiencer and the object a stimulus, yet these two different semantic meanings are derived under an identical formal structure: (S) NP1 + (V)吃+(O)NP2. Based on emergent gram-mar, the current study reveals that the object of chi1吃 is generalized from [+concrete] to [-concrete] and equipped with the implication of adversity. Fur-thermore, the semantic role of the subject is transformed into a non-volitional experiencer from an agent, making chi1吃 reinterpreted as non-action and in-transitive rather than action and transitive. On the other hand, this study attempts to categorize various types of “吃X” from the perspective of lexicalization.