如何理解第五共和的左右共治？本文從此間制度所在的社會脈絡，也就是新自由主義的國際體制入手。尤有進者，對於新自由主義體制的內在動力，更進一步參照著現代文明化歷程中的「自我－我群」認同平衡來掌握。因此，本文首先指出，作爲民主國家之中，制憲次數最多的法國並不是個特例，而是個特別敏感地反映了現代世界裡，個人與社群之間張力的案例；其次，此一張力對於1980年代之後逐漸發展的新自由主義體制來說，它激起了強調社群的左派，與重視個人之右派間的緊張，並造成了三次的左右共治。而總統的角色固然在左右的衝突之際，表現了國家統一的意象，但其魅力更多是基於制度而具有正當性，實則由於全球化下的管理主義，不僅個人魔魅的效果大爲降低，而且還由於總統的任期在2000年時修改爲五年，並與議會選舉時程配合。因此，雖然左右的衝突仍在，但只是讓隨後的總統都只有一個任期而未連任，而共治的現象也因爲制度的修正而不容易出現。

How to understand the appearance of co-habitation of the 5th Republic of France by referring to its social context, which is an international regime based on the neoliberalism? The case of French constitution is not an exception, because of its far above average constitution-making, but a very sensitive example with the dynamic of ＂I-We balance,＂ which stands at the very center of civilizing process. In other words, the civilizing process leads to the individualization on the one hand, and the search for communitarian solidarity on the other. This dynamic stays not only within the nation -state, but also without as the core for the international regime, among which the neoliberalism prevails after the 1980s. The neoliberalism strengthens the tension between the ＂I-We balance＂ because of which the cohabitation happens three times from the mi-80s to the early 21st century. Moreover, it makes the state vulnerable in the face of the globalization, and the President obliged to play a symbolic role for the nation. Nevertheless, his legitimacy comes from the role, not from himself as the managementism of the globalization jeopardizes the effectiveness of charisma for the legitimation. As a result, the fluctuation of the public opinion continues, and none of the President of the Republic has been re-elected after 2000, when the Constitution was revised the term of the presidency from 7 years to 5 years. This constitutional revision makes the cohabitation difficult to happen again.