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題名:"Wh-Phrases as Polarity Items" Revisited
書刊名:漢學研究
作者:忻愛莉 引用關係
作者(外文):Hsin, Ai-li
出版日期:1999
卷期:17:1=33
頁次:頁305-334
主題關鍵詞:雙極詞全稱語意偏稱語意觸發語約束語動詞組偏稱封閉Polarity itemUniversal readingExistential readingTrigerBinderVP enclosure
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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  • 被引用次數被引用次數:期刊(3) 博士論文(0) 專書(0) 專書論文(0)
  • 排除自我引用排除自我引用:3
  • 共同引用共同引用:16
  • 點閱點閱:58
     中文疑問詞沒有固有之量化功效,句法表現類似無定名詞組。而中文疑問詞有雙 極詞性質,所以需要觸發語及約束語來引發以及授予適當之語意。本篇以鄭 (1994) 論文為 基礎,探討中文疑問雙極詞之觸發語和約束語。以及疑問雙極詞語境之特質。本文主張,疑 問詞全稱語意是由成對詞 ` 無論‥都 ' 中的顯性或隱性的 ` 無論 ',來授予, 而不是由 ` 都 ',來授予。這種分析的優點是,句法上與中文一般約束原則相吻合,符合約束語與被 約束語間 C- 統制和局部性之限制; 語意上 ` 無論 ',也比 ` 都 ',更貼近全稱的語意。 疑問詞的偏稱語境,除了是非問句及否定句以外,應還包含: 非特指疑問句 (即是非問句及 A-not-A 問句 )、條件句修辭句 (如感嘆句及反諷句 )、 以及空語意量詞組的修飾範域等; 而偏稱語意則全由動詞組偏稱封閉來授予。本文進一步分析,中文疑問詞三種語意之主要觸 發語是存在於決定句子基本類型的 C 上,此種分析模式既精簡且符合我們對句子之直覺。
     Chinese wh-phrases behave like indefinite NPs and do not have inherent quantificational force. They are polarity items and need a trigger and a binder so as to be triggered and licensed the proper reading. Cheng (1994) proposes that the interrogative reading is triggered by a wh-particle ne (呢 ) or its null counterpart; the universal reading, by the universal quantifier dou (都 ); and the existential reading, by either a yes/no particle or a negation. Following Cheng (1994), I discuss in this paper other possible polarity contexts and binders for wh-phrases in Mandarin Chinese. I propose that the binder for wh-phrase universal meaning is the overt or covert wulun 無論 ), instead of the dou, in the (wulun)...dou pair. With this analysis, syntactically the c-command and locality requirements in the binder-bindee relation are reserved, on par with the general binding principle in Mandarin. Semantically, wulun is more congruent with the universal meaning than dou. For existential wh-phrases, I propose that the polarity contexts be extended to include not only yes/no questions and negative sentences but also non-specific questions, conditionals, rhetoricals, and empty QP domain. These contexts can be generalized as contexts where the truth value of the proposition is not positively fixed in a definite manner, as suggested in Li (1992). Or these contexts may be concluded as nonassertives; whereas assertives are contexts for universal reading, and specific questions are contexts for interrogative reading. Based on this analysis, the feature complex in Comp, a functional node that determines the type of a sentence, can be generalized as the major trigger for the three different readings of wh-phrases. The model is simpler and matches well with our intuition in regard to sentence types and wh-phrase interpretations.
期刊論文
1.Li, Jie(1995)。Dou and wh-Questions in mandarin Chinese。Journal of East Asian Linguistics,4,313-323。  new window
2.湯廷池(198406)。國語疑問句研究續論。師大學報,29,381-437。new window  延伸查詢new window
3.Cheng, Lisa L. S.(1995)。On dou-quantification。Journal of East Asian Linguistics,4(3),197-234。  new window
4.Cheng, L. S. Lisa(1994)。Wh-Words as Polarity Items。中文計算語言學期刊,2,615-640。  new window
5.李艷惠(1992)。The Indifinite Wh in Mandarin Chinese。Journal of East Asian Linguistics,1,125-155。  new window
6.湯廷池(1981)。國語疑問詞的研究。師大學報:人文與社會科學類,26,219-277。  延伸查詢new window
會議論文
1.Lin, Jonah T. H.(1997)。Quantificational Force Parameter and the Determiner Ge in Chinese。Ithaca, New York。  new window
學位論文
1.Diesing, Molly(1990)。The Syntactic Roots of Semantic Partition(博士論文)。University of Massachusetts,Amherst。  new window
2.徐淑瑛(1995)。The Syntax of Focus and Topic in Mandarin Chinese(博士論文)。University of Southern California。  new window
3.Lee, Thomas Hun-Tak(1986)。Studies on quantification in Chinese(博士論文)。University of California, Los Angeles。  new window
4.林若望(1996)。Polarity Licensing and Wh-phrase Quantification in Chinese(博士論文)。University of Massachusetts Amherst。  new window
5.黃正德(1982)。Logical Relations in Chinese and the Theory of Grammar(博士論文)。Massachusetts Institute of Technology。  new window
6.Heim, Irene Roswitha(1982)。The Semantics of Definite and Indefinite Noun Phrases(博士論文)。University of Massachusetts Amherst。  new window
圖書
1.Lin, Jonah T. H.(1996)。Deriving the Intensionality of Dou。Deriving the Intensionality of Dou。Taiwan。  new window
 
 
 
 
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