Chinese wh-phrases behave like indefinite NPs and do not have inherent quantificational force. They are polarity items and need a trigger and a binder so as to be triggered and licensed the proper reading. Cheng (1994) proposes that the interrogative reading is triggered by a wh-particle ne (呢 ) or its null counterpart; the universal reading, by the universal quantifier dou (都 ); and the existential reading, by either a yes/no particle or a negation. Following Cheng (1994), I discuss in this paper other possible polarity contexts and binders for wh-phrases in Mandarin Chinese. I propose that the binder for wh-phrase universal meaning is the overt or covert wulun 無論 ), instead of the dou, in the (wulun)...dou pair. With this analysis, syntactically the c-command and locality requirements in the binder-bindee relation are reserved, on par with the general binding principle in Mandarin. Semantically, wulun is more congruent with the universal meaning than dou. For existential wh-phrases, I propose that the polarity contexts be extended to include not only yes/no questions and negative sentences but also non-specific questions, conditionals, rhetoricals, and empty QP domain. These contexts can be generalized as contexts where the truth value of the proposition is not positively fixed in a definite manner, as suggested in Li (1992). Or these contexts may be concluded as nonassertives; whereas assertives are contexts for universal reading, and specific questions are contexts for interrogative reading. Based on this analysis, the feature complex in Comp, a functional node that determines the type of a sentence, can be generalized as the major trigger for the three different readings of wh-phrases. The model is simpler and matches well with our intuition in regard to sentence types and wh-phrase interpretations.