壹、中文部分
TVBS，2006，〈人民力量怒吼 馬可仕倉皇下台〉，TVBS新聞網，http://news.tvbs.com.tw/entry/361930，2006/06/09。
丁仁方，2007，〈公民社會與民主政治的相互建構〉，《臺灣民主季刊》，4(2)：1-31。
中央社，2013，〈逾四成印尼選民：買票無所謂〉，中央社網頁，http://www.cna.com.tw/news/aopl/201312130319-1.aspx，2013/12/13。
中新社，2013，〈民調：美國人信軍隊不信國會 報紙信任度持續下跌〉，新華網，http://big5.xinhuanet.com/gate/big5/news.xinhuanet.com/mil/2013-06/22/c_124894749.htm，2013/06/22。
王金壽，2006，〈台灣的司法獨立改革與國民黨侍從主義的崩潰〉，《台灣政治學刊》，10(1)：103-162。
王卿，2006，〈菲律賓全球『快樂指數』最高 5年來730人被暗殺〉，世界報，http://news.big5.enorth.com.cn/system/2006/09/14/001410477.shtml，2006/09/14。
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王國培，2009，〈日本年輕人對政治冷漠 大選投票率不及長者一半〉，北京新浪網，http://dailynews.sina.com/bg/news/int/sinacn/20090823/2012602278.html，2009/08/23。
王瑞芳，2008，〈蒙古國首都騷亂 5死數百傷〉，新華網，http://big5.cri.cn/gate/big5/gb.cri.cn/19224/2008/07/03/882s2127043.htm，2008/0703。
王鼎銘，2007，〈成本效益、公民責任與政治參與：2004年公民投票的分析〉《東吳政治學報》，25(1): 1-37.
王鼎銘、郭銘峰，2009，〈混合式選制下的投票思維：台灣與日本國會選舉變革經驗的比較〉，《選舉研究》，16(2)：101-130。
王鼎銘、黃紀、郭銘峰，2009，〈2005年日本眾議員選舉之分析：自民黨策略與小泉魅力之影響〉，《問題與研究》，48(2)：1-34。
王維芳，2005，〈蒙古第四次國會選舉後的政治發展〉，《中國邊政》，162：37-62。
王維芳，2009，〈第三波民主化後的蒙古體制設計〉，《政大民族學報》，28：33-72。
王遠嘉，2006，〈印尼政黨制度民主化轉型之困境〉，《亞太研究論壇》，32：90-140。
朴允哲，2003〈韓國社會運動的動員模式與政治社會性格：以新興社會運動為分析對象〉，《亞太研究論壇》，22：1-16。
朱立熙，2011，〈南韓的民主轉型-以光州事件為分水嶺〉，《台灣國際研究季刊》，7(2)：155-182。
朱松柏，1988，〈韓國總統大選與政局發展〉，《問題與研究》，27(6)：16-25。
朱雲漢，2001，〈國民黨與台灣的民主轉型〉，《二十一世紀評論》，65：4-13。
朱雲漢，2004，〈台灣民主發展困境與省思〉，《臺灣民主季刊》，1(1)：143-162。
何明修，2003，〈民間社會與民主轉型：社會運動在台灣的興起與持續〉，張茂桂、鄭永年（編），《兩岸社會運動分析》，台北：新自然主義，頁29-67。
何明修，2004，〈政治機會結構與社會運動研究〉，《國立政治大學社會學報》，37：33-80。
吳金平、鞠海龍，2013，〈2012年菲律賓政治、經濟與外交形勢回顧〉，《東南亞研究》，2：23-28。
吳重禮，2008，〈台灣民眾威權懷舊的初探：蔣經國政府施政的比較評價〉，《選舉研究》，15(2)：119-142。
吳重禮、李伊婷、孫煒，2012，〈政治因素對於法院審理之影響分析〉，《台灣民主季刊》，9(1)：1-40。
吳重禮、黃紀，2000，〈雲嘉南地區賄選案件判決的政治因素分析—「層狀勝算對數模型」之運用〉，《選舉研究》，7(1)：87-113。
吳親恩，2007，〈台灣民眾的政治信任差異：政治人物、政府與民主體制三個面向的觀察〉，《台灣政治學刊》，11(1)：147-200。
宋鎮照、古志全，2009，〈從皇室、軍人與政黨三角關係分析泰國民主化發展趨勢：後塔信時期之政治為例〉，《亞太研究論壇》，45：55-88。
李酉潭，1997，〈邁向鞏固的民主：台灣案例〉，《中山人文社會科學期刊》，5(2)：161-196。
李筱峰，1999，〈美麗島事件的回顧與省思〉，李筱峰個人網站，http://www.jimlee.org.tw/article.jsp?b_id=24017&;menu_id=4，1999/12/07。
李世宏、吳重禮，2003，〈總統施政表現評價影響因素之分析與比較：以整體施政、經濟發展與兩岸關係為例〉，《公共行政學報》，8：35-69。
沈紅芳，1997，〈菲律賓拉莫斯政府的經濟改革及其成效〉，《世界經濟與政治》，12: 28-36。
周永捷，2014，〈辦事塞錢 逾四成印尼人視平常〉，中央商情網，http://n.yam.com/cnabc/fn/20140105/20140105030855.html，2014/01/05。
周祉元，1990，〈對外蒙民主改革運動的展望〉，《中國大陸》，23(3)：19-28。
昔日東方電子報，2010，〈解碼器：《國內安全法》容許武力鎮壓〉，昔日東方電子報網，http://orientaldaily.on.cc/cnt/china_world/20100312/00180_005.html，2010/3/12。
明報，2013，〈自覺無力變革 日青年多政治冷感〉，明報新聞網，http://www.mingpaotor.com/htm/News/20130909/ttac2.htm?m=0，2013/09/09。
林若雩、詹滿容，2006，〈菲律賓、印尼、馬來西亞與新加坡的民主轉型：國家、民間社會與政治社會〉，《亞太研究論壇 》，32：14-41。
林憬屏，2013，〈不信選舉制度 泰國民主岔路〉，中央社網頁，http://news.msn.com.tw/news3467495.aspx，2013/12/09。
林憬屏，2013，〈民調：泰國人對國會失去信心〉，中央通訊社網頁，http://www.cna.com.tw/News/aOPL/201308240246-1.aspx，2013/08/24。
林靜，2009，〈印尼反貪委員會主席稱要徹底消除貪污或需20年〉，中國新聞網，http://big5.cri.cn/gate/big5/gb.cri.cn/27824/2009/02/26/2685s2439562.htm，2009/02/26。
林聰吉，2007，〈政治支持與民主鞏固〉，《政治科學論叢》，34：71-104。
林瓊珠、蔡佳泓，2010，〈政黨信任、機構信任與民主滿意度〉，《政治與社會哲學評論》，35：147-194。
祁玲玲，2012，〈蒙古的民主化：政治精英的理性選擇〉，《二十一世紀評論》，130：28-39。
金榮勇，2001，〈印尼的族群衝突危機〉，《問題與研究》，40(4)：65-79。
金應熙，1990，《菲律賓史》，中國河南：河南大學出版社。
阿南，2000，〈泰國的民主化：從抗議示威到新憲法〉，《二十一世紀評論》，65：27-33。
侯美如，2007，〈蒙古川田先生，奪環保小金人〉，富邦公益電子報，http://enews.url.com.tw/enews/42686，2007/04/27。
俞振華，2012，〈探討總統施政評價如何影響地方選舉─以2009年縣市長選舉為例〉，《選舉研究》，19(1)：69-95。
施逸翔，2007，〈你的糖裡仍沾染血腥〉，yam蕃薯藤網頁，http://riverrain308.blogspot.tw/2007/05/hacienda-luisita-tarlac-6543-2004-11-16.html，2007/05/26。
星島日報，2013，〈印尼大罷工 爭低資增五成〉，星島電子報，http://std.stheadline.com/yesterday/int/1029bo05.html，2013/10/29。
美國之音，2013，〈蒙古國總統當選連任〉，美國之音網頁，http://www.voachinese.com/content/mongolia-20130627/1690353.html，2013/06/27。
胡宗鳳，2013，〈林益世案判決 「不利藍營選舉」〉，聯合新聞網，http://udn.com/NEWS/NATIONAL/NATS2/7867678.shtml#ixzz2SClPlVtX，2013/5/1。
胡逢瑛、吳非，2006，《反恐年代中的國際新聞與危機傳播》，台北：秀威資訊科技。
倪炎元，1995，《東亞威權政體之轉型：比較台灣與南韓的民主化歷程》台北：月旦出版社。
徐火炎，2003，〈台灣政治轉型中的政治疏離感：從分析2002年北高兩市的市長選舉資料的結果來看〉，「2002年台灣選舉與民主化調查國際學術研討會」（11月2日），台北：政治大學選舉研究中心。
海中雄，2008，〈2008年蒙古國會大選之簡析〉，《蒙藏現況雙月報》，17(4)：20-26。
耿曙、陳陸輝，2003，〈兩岸經貿互動與台灣政治版圖：南北區塊差異的推手？〉，《問題與研究》，42(6)：1-27。
高原，2012，〈蒙古是一個什麼樣的國家？〉，多維新聞網，http://opinion.dwnews.com/news/2012-07-12/58783530-3.html，2012/07/12。
區鉅龍，1998，〈印尼「班查西拉」意識型態的理論與實踐〉，《問題與研究》，37(3)：45-54。
區鉅龍，1999，〈後蘇哈托時期印尼民主化的發展與前景〉，《問題與研究》，38(1)：35-48。
張月，2010，〈從政治層面看印尼民主化改革艱難的原因〉，《東南亞研究》，1：9-15。
張其賢，2006，〈馬可仕A3.2兆 菲僅追回500億〉，自由電子報，http://www.libertytimes.com.tw/2006/new/feb/23/today-int1.htm，2006/02/23。
張咸淳，2010，〈年輕人政治冷漠 大學生：「我們是無能為力」，公民監督國會聯盟，http://www.ccw.org.tw/p/3420，2010/11/09。
張茂桂，1989，〈八０年代臺灣社會運動風潮與政治轉化〉，《國家政策季刊》，1：52-59。
張錫鎮，1999，《東南亞政府與政治》，台北：揚智文化。
張錫鎮，2004，〈印尼民主轉型和民主化軟著陸〉，《東南亞研究》，5：10-16。
張讚合，1996，《兩岸關係變遷史》，台北：周知文化出版社。
曹云華，2005，〈民主不是萬靈丹—評菲律賓和印尼的總統直選〉，《東南亞研究》，3：4-12。
梁東屏，2011，〈印尼人懷念蘇哈托時代〉，中時電子報，http://ppt.cc/NOQJ，2011/05/18。
盛杏湲、黃士豪，2006，〈台灣民眾為什麼討厭立法院？〉，《台灣民主季刊》，3(3)：85-128。
盛治仁，2003，〈台灣民眾民主價值及政治信任感研究：政黨輪替前後的比較〉，《選舉研究》，10(1)：115-169。
盛治仁、白瑋華，2008，〈陳水扁總統首任施政評價影響因素探討〉，《東吳政治學報》，26(1)：1-50。
陳成良，2008，〈蘇哈托 名列全球貪污領袖榜首〉，自由時報網頁，http://news.ltn.com.tw/news/world/paper/185640，2008/01/28。
陳宏銘，2012，〈半總統制下總統的法案推動與立法影響力：馬英九總統執政時期的研究，《東吳政治學報》，30(2)：1-71。
陳宏銘、梁元棟，2007，〈半總統制的形成和演化-台灣、法國、波蘭，與芬蘭的比較研究〉，《臺灣民主季刊》，4(4)：27-69。
陳佩修，2006，〈泰國「新政治」的形成：2005年國會大選的意義〉，《亞太研究論壇》，32：62-89。
陳佩修，2009a，《軍人與政治：泰國的軍事政變與政治變遷》，台北：中央研究院人文社會科學研究中心亞太區域研究專題中心。
陳佩修，2009b，〈泰式民主的脆弱性—2006年919軍事政變與泰國民主的逆轉〉，《臺灣民主季刊》，6(1)：73-106。
陳明通，1995，《派系政治與台灣政治變遷》，台北：月旦出版社。
陳陸輝，2002，〈政治信任與台灣地區選民投票行為〉，《選舉研究》，9(1)：65-84。
陳陸輝，2006，〈政治信任的政治後果-以2004年立法委員選舉為例〉，《選舉研究》，3(2)：39-62。
陳陸輝、耿曙、王德育，2009，〈兩岸關係與2008年台灣總統大選：認同、利益、威脅與選民投票取向〉，《選舉研究》，16(2)：1-22。
陳陸輝、耿曙、涂萍蘭、黃冠博，2009，〈理性自利或感性認同？影響台灣兩岸經貿立場因素的分析〉，《東吳政治學報》，27(2)：87-125。
陳憶寧、羅文輝，2006，〈媒介使用與政治資本〉，《新聞學研究》，88：83-134。
陳璟民，2013，〈馬愛將林益世輕判…在野痛批「完全執政 完全護貪」〉，自由時報電子報，http://www.libertytimes.com.tw/2013/new/may/1/today-fo1.htm，2013/5/1。
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陳鴻瑜，2008，《印度尼西亞史》，台北：國立編譯館。
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湯晏甄，2013，〈「兩岸關係因素」真的影響了2012年的台灣總統大選嗎？〉，《臺灣民主季刊》，10(3)：91-130。
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