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一、中文部分
王中天，2010，〈獨立選民的類型及其投票行爲：台灣2008年總統選舉的觀察〉，《選舉研究》， 17（2）: 35-69.
王宏忠，2012，〈政治意識及政治菁英的論述：對於臺灣民眾議題立場的影響─〈政治意識及之主流效應及極化效應之檢證〉，《臺灣民主季刊》，9（2）：71-123。
王鼎銘，2004，〈選民為什麼會支持黑金？一個理性交易的解釋〉，《選舉研究》，11（1）：99-126。
-----，2007，〈成本效益、公民責任與政治參與：2004年公民投票的分析〉，《東吳政治學報》，25（1）：1-38。
-----，2008，〈修憲議題與政黨偏好的交織：任務型國大選舉比例代表制的投票分析〉，《臺灣政治學刊》，12（2）：213-250。
王揚宇、郭建伸，2021，〈公投開高走低 學者：中間選民沒出來投票〉，《中央通訊社》，https://www.cna.com.tw/news/aipl/202112180253.aspx，查閱時間：2022/03/29。
公民投票法，2022，《全國法規資料庫》，https://law.moj.gov.tw/LawClass/LawAll.aspx?pcode=D0020050，查閱時間：2022年2月21日。
包正豪，2009，〈政黨認同者等於政黨鐵票？2000-2008總統選舉中選民投票抉擇之跨時性分析〉，《淡江人文社會學刊》，40：67-89。
自由時報，2019，〈愛與包容？韓粉列抵制清單 6間罷韓店家全上榜〉，《自由時報》，https://news.ltn.com.tw/news/politics/breakingnews/2850080，查閱時間2020/09/21。
自由時報，2021，〈時力定調公投「三個同意」 周偉航：立場和黨中央不盡相同〉，《自由時報》：https://news.ltn.com.tw/news/politics/breakingnews/3726862，查閱時間：2022年3月29日。
吳乃德，1993，〈國家認同和政黨支持〉，《中央研究院民族學研究所集刊》，74：33- 61。
吳亮賢，2021，〈民眾黨公投立場內部爆異音 「兩好兩壞」基調仍不變〉，《聯合新聞網》，https://udn.com/news/story/12539/5866991，查閱時間：2022/03/23。
吳重禮、許文賓，2003，〈誰是政黨認同者與獨立選民？* ──以二○○一年台灣地區選民*政黨認同的決定因素為例〉，《政治科學論叢》，18：101-140。
吳親恩、林奕孜，2013，〈兩岸經貿開放、認同與投票選擇：2008年與2012年總統選舉的分析〉，《選舉研究》，20（2）：1-35。
李美枝、許正聖，1995，〈從臺灣大學生內團體偏私基礎之解析看社群意識發展的可能性〉，《本土心理學研究》，4：150-182。
李冠成，2020，〈政治情緒與選舉參與：2012年和2016年臺灣總統選舉的經驗分析〉，《人文及社會科學集刊》，32（1）：81 - 122。
李弘繹，2021，《負面黨性在臺灣：2004-2020年臺灣總統選舉的分析》，國立臺灣大學政治系碩士論文。
李坤城，2020，〈你投的是「擁核」還是「廢核」？從關聯性分析初探「以核養綠」公投通過的原因〉，《中國行政評論》， 26（2）：1-25。
李秉芳，2021，〈公投結果分析：選前民調「三好一壞」失準，中間選民定勝負，哪些縣市沒「跟著黨投」？〉，《關鍵評論》https://www.thenewslens.com/feature/2021vote/160439，查閱時間：2022年3月29日。
呂炯昌，2021，〈民眾黨公投立場挨轟變變變！楊寶楨：「兩好兩壞不變」〉，《今日新聞》，https://www.nownews.com/news/5442899，查閱時間：2022/03/23/。
邵立中，2022，〈邵立中觀點》藍白將進入巷戰肉搏階段〉，《新頭殼Newtalk》https://newtalk.tw/news/view/2022-01-17/697598，查閱時間：2022/3/29。
何思因，1994，〈臺灣地區選民政黨偏好的變遷：1989-1992〉，《選舉研究》，1（1）: 39-52。
何思因，吳釗燮，1996，〈臺灣政黨體系之下政黨認同的測量方法〉，《選舉研究》，3（2）：1-16。
武成，2021，〈公投「四大皆空」：本意用來制衡政黨的直接民主，為何反讓政黨成為贏家？〉，《關鍵評論》：https://www.thenewslens.com/article/160539，查閱時間：2022/03/22。
徐火炎，1991，〈選民對政黨的評估態度與黨派投票抉擇〉，《政治科學論叢》，3：185-209。
-----，1993，〈選舉競爭與政治分歧結構的變遷：國民黨與民進黨政治勢力的消長〉，《人文及社會科學集刊》，6（1）：37-74。
-----，2002 ，〈臺灣政黨版圖的重劃：民進黨、國民黨與親民黨的「民基」比較〉，《東吳政治學報》，14：83-132 。
-----，2004，〈臺灣結、中國結與臺灣心、中國情：臺灣選舉中的符號政治〉，《選舉研究》，11（2）：1-41。
林宏翰， 2020，〈花木蘭鎖定中國市場 劉亦菲挺港警引發抵制運動〉，《中央通訊社》，https://www.cna.com.tw/news/firstnews/202009050021.aspx，查閱時間：2020/09/21。
林明萱、吳重禮，2015，〈ECFA政治擴溢效應的實證初探〉，《問題與研究》，54（2）：125-149。
林聰吉，2013，〈解析臺灣民眾的反政黨情緒〉，《選舉研究》，20（1）：47-72。
林聰吉、游清鑫，2009，〈政黨形象與臺灣選民的投票行為：1996-2008年總統選舉的實證分析〉，陳陸輝、游清鑫、黃紀等編，《2008年總統選舉：論二次政黨輪替之關鍵選舉》，臺北：五南書局。
林聰吉、蕭怡靖，2021a，〈為什麼不喜歡國民黨與民進黨？探索臺灣民眾反政黨情緒的來源〉，《政治科學論叢》，89：89-120。
-----，2021b，〈人格特質與政黨情感好惡差距〉，《選舉研究》，28（1）：1-46。
林瓊珠、蔡佳泓，2010，〈從成案到投票－2008年討黨產與入聯公投的公投意向與參與行爲〉，《臺灣民主季刊》，7（3）：45-85。
卓淑玲、陳學志、鄭昭明，2013，〈台灣地區華人情緒與相關心理生理資料庫─中文情緒詞常模研究〉，《中華心理學刊》，55(4）：493-523。
殷志偉、劉正，2020，〈非核家園的民衆意向：網路輿論的大數據分析〉，《選舉研究》，27（2）：49 - 92。
高恆信、李美枝，2000，〈臺灣地區人民之省籍、黨籍與政治意識型態在政治群體認同中的糾結〉，《本土心理學研究》，13：231-276。
耿曙，2009，〈經濟扭轉政治？中共「惠台政策」的政治影響〉，《問題與研究》，48（3）：1-32。
俞振華、蔡佳泓，2011，〈社會公平與經濟發展：臺灣民眾的政策意向之初探〉，《社會科學論叢》，5（2）：135-172。
陳文俊，2003，〈藍與綠—臺灣選民的政治意識型態初探〉，《選舉研究》，10（1）：41- 80。
陳光輝 ，2018，〈政治學相關科系大學生參與太陽花學運的追蹤分析〉，《臺灣民主季刊 》，15（2）：51-99。
陳陸輝，2000，〈臺灣選民政黨認同的持續與變遷〉，《選舉研究》，7（2）：109-141。
-----，2018，〈情緒政治與 2016 年總統選舉〉，《選舉研究 》，25（2）：31-53。
陳陸輝、耿曙、王德育，2009，〈兩岸關係與2008年臺灣總統大選：認同、利益、威脅與選民投票取向〉，《選舉研究》，16（2）：1-22。
陳舜文、邱振訓，2011，〈道德判斷的「雙重歷程模式」：認知、情緒與文化的整合觀點〉，《本土心理學研究》，36（12）：33-76
陳義彥，1994，〈我國選民的集群分析及其投票傾向的預測—從民國八十一年立委選舉探討〉，《選舉研究》，1（1）：1-37。
莊文忠、徐明莉、 黃東益、李仲彬，2017，〈政黨認同如何影響民眾對政府清廉的評價〉，《東吳政治學報》，35（1）：93-142。
莊淑媚、洪永泰，2011，〈特定政黨不認同：臺灣地區民意調查中關於政黨認同的新測量工具〉，《選舉研究》，18（2）：1-29。
盛杏湲，2002，〈統獨立場與臺灣選民的投票行為：一九九○年代的分析〉，《選舉研究》，9（1）：41-80。
-----，2010，〈臺灣選民政黨認同的穩定與變遷：定群追蹤資料的應用〉，《選舉研究》，17（2）：1-33。
盛杏湲、陳義彥，2003，〈政治分歧與政黨競爭：二○○一年立法委員選舉的分析〉，《選舉研究》，10（1）：7-40。
張春興，1989，《張氏心理學辭典》，台北：東華書局。
張卿卿，2017，〈政黨雙歧不確定的糾結：成因、決策過程、媒體接收與行為意向〉，《中華傳播學刊》，32：167-202。
張傳賢，2014，〈利已或利他：民眾於2012年總統選舉中重分配議題的立場〉，《選舉研究》，21（2）：43-80。
張傳賢、黃紀，2011，〈政黨競爭與臺灣族群認同與國家認同間的聯結〉，《臺灣政治學刊》，15（1）：3-71。
國立政治大學選舉研究中心，2022，〈臺灣民眾政黨偏好趨勢分佈（1992年06月~2020年06月）〉，https://esc.nccu.edu.tw/course/news.php?Sn=165#，查閱時間：2022/07/04。
-----，2022，〈重要政治態度分布趨勢圖資料研究方法說明〉：https://esc.nccu.edu.tw/upload/44/doc/6965/%E9%87%8D%E8%A6%81%E6%94%BF%E6%B2%BB%E6%85%8B%E5%BA%A6%E5%88%86%E4%BD%88%E8%B6%A8%E5%8B%A2%E5%9C%96%E8%B3%87%E6%96%99%E7%A0%94%E7%A9%B6%E6%96%B9%E6%B3%95%E8%AA%AA%E6%98%8E(methodology)202206.pdf，查閱時間：2022/07/21。。
曾以寧，2022，〈談藍白合 柯文哲：對台灣有利不管哪黨都可合作〉，《中央通訊社》，https://www.cna.com.tw/news/aipl/202203120143.aspx，查閱時間：2022/03/22。
黑中亮， 2020，〈羊肉羹店家不可以評論政府 綠粉給負評並呼籲抵制〉，《聯合新聞網》：https://udn.com/news/story/7325/4849280。查閱時間：2020/09/21。
黃志呈、許勝懋，2012，〈民眾之兩岸經貿交流認知－實質利益或政黨認同考量？2010台北市、台中市、高雄市直轄市長選舉個案分析〉，《城市學學刊》，3（2）：107 - 151。
湯晏甄、蔡宗漢、張傳賢，2017，〈政黨認同對於政治知識的動機性推理影響〉，《臺灣政治學刊》，21（1）：157-218。
溫賈舒、陳政一、陳明通，2018，〈兩岸洽簽「臺灣不獨大陸不武」協議理論與民意基礎研究－一項臺灣民眾的民意調查分析〉，《臺灣民主季刊》，15（3）：75-126。
楊泰順，2021，〈星期透視／中間選民vs.公民投票〉，《聯合報》：https://udn.com/news/story/7339/5972336，查閱時間：2022/03/29。
楊婉瑩，2005，〈政治參與的性別差異〉，《選舉研究》，14（3）：53-94。
-----，2020，〈當不穩定的多數遇到公投—試論同婚公投的弔詭〉，《臺灣民主季刊》，17（4）：105-143。
鄭宏文，2011，〈政治社會化媒介對政治態度的影響：以我國大學生民主價值取向為例〉，《復興崗學報》，101：67-96。
鄭夙芬，2004，〈臺灣民眾眼中的政黨－一個焦點團體研究法應用實例之初探〉，《選舉研究》，11（2）：185-206。
-----，2007，〈”深綠選民”之探索〉，《問題與研究》，46（1）：33-61。
蔡宗漢、林長志，2015，〈潛在變數的測量及其影響：2013年TEDS臺灣民眾統獨立場的分析〉，《選舉研究》，22（1）：71-107。
蔡佳泓，2007，〈政黨形象的測量尺度初探〉，《政治學報》，43：101-121。
蔡佳泓、徐永明、黃琇庭，2007，〈兩極化政治：解釋臺灣2004總統大選〉，《選舉研究》，14（1）：1-31。
劉正山、蔡艾真，〈隱性選民之政黨意識與其政黨傾向偵測〉，《台灣政治學刊》，20（2）：65-123。
劉宛琳，2021，〈最新民調／國民黨發布四大公投民調 三個通過這個沒過〉，《聯合新聞網》，https://udn.com/news/story/12539/5926679，查閱時間：2022/03/12。
劉苡青，2020，〈難過年！韓粉父母「清空兒房間」 網友暖邀圍爐〉，《TVBS新聞網》：https://news.tvbs.com.tw/life/1263044，查閱時間：2020/03/22。
劉從葦，2006，〈臺灣政黨的政策位置：非介入式與介入式測量的比較研究〉，《臺灣政治學刊》，10（2）：3-62。
劉福全，2021，〈公投投票率低 親民黨：中間選民疼惜臺灣「放開手」不願成政黨工具〉，《新頭殼newtalk》，https://newtalk.tw/news/view/2021-12-20/684288，查閱時間：2022/03/13。
劉嘉薇、黃紀，2012，〈父母政黨偏好組合對大學生政黨偏好之影響定群追蹤之研究〉，《臺灣民主季刊》，9（3）：37-84。
劉義周，1994，〈台灣選民政黨形象的世代差異〉，《選舉研究》，1（1）：53-73。
-----，2005，《2002 年至 2004 年『臺灣選舉與民主化調查』三年期研究規劃（IV）：民國九十三年立法委員選舉大型面訪案》，計畫編號：NSC 93-2420-H-004-005-SSS，台北：行政院國家科學委員會補助專題研究計畫成果報告。
劉學源、李佩珊，2021，〈外媒看四大公投結果：這是對蔡英文政府的信任投票，顯示臺灣人民願意積極參與國際〉：https://www.thenewslens.com/article/160445，查閱時間：2022/03/22。
蕭怡靖，2009，〈「臺灣選舉與民主化調查」之政黨認同測量的探討〉，《選舉研究》，16（1）：67-93。
-----，2014，〈從政黨情感溫度計解析臺灣民眾的政治極化〉，《選舉研究》，21（2）：01-42。
-----，2019，〈臺灣民眾的黨性極化及其對民主態度的影響〉，《臺灣政治學刊》，23（2）：41-85。
蕭怡靖、鄭夙芬，2014，〈臺灣民眾對左右意識型態的認知：以統獨議題取代左右意識型態檢測臺灣的政黨極化〉，《臺灣政治學刊》，18（2）：79-138。
蕭婷方，2021，〈公投案全不過關！4:0完封的教訓是：「台灣人已厭惡政治動員與惡鬥」〉，《今周刊》，https://www.businesstoday.com.tw/article/category/214983/post/202112180015/，查閱時間：2022/03/22。
謝復生、牛銘實、林慧萍，1995，「民國八十三年省市長選舉中之議題投票：理性抉擇理論之分析」，《選舉研究》，2（1）：77-92。
顏得智，2021，〈四大公投最終民調一次看！反萊豬、三接扣緊經貿 民進黨能否奇蹟逆襲？〉，《新頭殼》：https://newtalk.tw/news/view/2021-12-17/682953，查閱時間：2022/03/12。
魏聖凌， 2019，〈13家手搖飲舔共！網淚：剩它們愛台〉，《三立新聞網》，https://www.setn.com/News.aspx?NewsID=583905，查閱時間：2020/09/21。
二、英文部分
Abramowitz, Alan I. 2010. “Transformation and Polarization: The 2008 Presidential Election and the New American Electorate.” Electoral Studies 29(4): 594-603.
Abramowitz, Alan I. and Kyle L. Saunders. 2006. “Exploring the Bases of Partisanship in the American Electorate: Social Identity vs. Ideology.” Political Research Quarterly 59: 175-87.
Abramowitz, Alan I. and Steven Webster. 2016. “The Rise of Negative Partisanship and the Nationalization of U.S. Elections in the 21st Century.” Electoral Studies 41:12-22.
Adams, James Lawrence Ezrow and Zeynep Somer-Topcu. 2011. “Is Anybody Listening? Evidence That Voters Do Not Respond to European Parties’ Policy Statements During Elections.” American Journal of Political Science 55(2): 370-382.
Ahler, J. Douglas. 2018. “The Group Theory of Parties: Identity Politics, Party Stereotypes, and Polarization in the 21st Century.” The Forum 16(1): 3-22.
Allison, Paul D. 2014. “Measures of Fit for Logistic Regression.” https://statisticalhorizons.com/wp-content/uploads/GOFForLogisticRegression-Paper.pdf. (Accessed on July 6, 2022).
Allport, Gordon W. 1954. The Nature of Prejudice. Addison-Wesley.
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