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題名:「靈均餘影」覆議
書刊名:清華學報
作者:朱曉海 引用關係
作者(外文):Chu, Sherman
出版日期:2000
卷期:30:4
頁次:頁477-540
主題關鍵詞:楚辭屈原漢賦ChuciQu YuanHanfu
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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     自古以來,學界都認為《楚辭》對漢賦的影響甚鉅。筆者同意劉勰的論點:在使用文字營造視、聽臨場感,令讀者能被引導進入作者欲傳達的氛圍、情緒這點上,漢賦繼承了《楚辭》這項文學技巧上的成就。除此之外,一般所說《楚辭》對漢賦影響甚鉅的諸論點,則恐怕有待商榷。 本文先指出:按照漢人的觀點,在文學類屬的發展歷史上,賦這種文類先出現,《楚辭》被視為賦這文類下的一種次文類,所以許多《楚辭》中的作品往往被漢人稱為賦。只是在賦的文類分支中,《楚辭》最早自成一系統,因此,應說是賦孕育了《楚辭》,而非《楚辭》影響了漢賦的成熟。至於《楚辭》之所以被認為是可自成一系統,因為按照漢人的觀點,必須出自屈原筆下,或者是屈原的代言人按照屈原的立場、情感所寫的作品,才能納入《楚辭》,並非一篇作品使用《楚辭》的句式或常見的名物,或者作品風格近似,即可當之。因此,《楚辭》可謂是屈原人格各項面透過文字方式的呈現,而屈原也可謂是《楚辭》這本作品集的血肉化身,《楚辭》與屈原乃一體兩面。既然如此,若要檢視《楚辭》對漢賦有無影響,當分別從漢賦家對屈原這作者的欽慕程度,以及沿襲《楚辭》這作品集中的題材、精神等兩方面入手。 就作品這面來看,《楚辭》各篇中許多題材在漢賦中驚人地少見,而漢賦作者經常選用的題材,且為歷世共許為漢賦特色者,於《楚辭》中亦杳然無痕。既如此,不悉《楚辭》如何發揮它的影響力。至於雙方作品都會涉及到的少數題材,如士不遇,漢賦家處理這問題時的態度與《楚辭》作者迴然有別。而這種迴別反映在文類上,即自東漢以來,按照漢人態度專門處理士不遇這問題,而成為漢賦中的次文類者: <七口>、設論,作品數量甚多,而按照《楚辭》模式處理這問題,可視為《楚辭》體制代表的 <九口> 這類作品極少見。換言之,《楚辭》與漢賦極有限的交集部分,也表現出精神上的分道揚鑣,後者不復接受前者的處理態度。 就作者這面來看,當我們進行全面文獻耙梳後,即會發現:漢代雖然確實有兩三段尊仰屈原的材料,但在兩漢文壇學界,訾議屈原之聲實居主流地位,屈原於漢代的評價並不如後世揣想得那麼高。如果再將視野放廣一點,審視兩漢至魏、晉作家選取古代、近代人物所寫的頌讚,我們更可發現:屈原極少被選取,縱使被選取作為頌讚對象,也是作為當時真正心儀的第一流人物的陪襯者出現。為了強化上述論斷,筆者且檢視兩漢至魏、晉作家對屈原所欽慕者 (如伯夷),或時人視為與屈原同類者 (如嵇康) 的評價高下。那段時期的人們所以對屈原式的心態、行徑評價不高,社會情況變動恐為主因,波及人們面臨屈原同樣的兩難困境,必須抉擇時,雙方對各價值間的高下看法以至取捨不同。而這與屈原的思想、感情、行徑究竟是受儒家還是道家浸染較深、當時居主導地位的價值系統是儒學或玄學無關,因為不論哪家當令,兩漢與魏、晉人的價值取捨都有相當高的一致性,玄學當令,並未動搖原先對屈原不滿的主流意見,唯更形不利而已。
     Since ancient times, it has always been held that Chuci had exerted great influence on Hanfu. While agreeing with Liu Xie's viewpoint that Hanfu carried on Chuci's various literary achievements in building up an ethos that enables readers to appreciate the works more fully, this author argues that the influence Chuci had on Hanfu may not be as great as had always been accepted. First, this paper tries to show that in the historical development of Chinese literary genres, according to the Han people's perspective, the emer- gence of Fu took precedence over that of Chuci, which was a mere sub-genre under it. It was Fu that impregnated Chuci, rather than the other way around. The general misconception that Chuci had influenced Fu, especially Hanfu, has much to do with the fact that at a very early stage Chuci devel- oped into a system of its own. Since the Han people only classified works penned by Qu Yuan himself or by authors showing empathetic understanding with the poet's viewpoints or emotions under this title, it is fair to say that while Qu Yuan impersonates Chuci, Chuci re-presents various dimensions of Qu Yuan's personality. If this is the case, we cannot decide whether Chuci has exerted great influence on Han Fu without considering the following two questions: (1) How Hanfu writers embraced Qu Yuan, the central figure of Chuci; (2) How their works emulated the themes and aspirations such as appeared in Chuci. Insofar as literary works are concerned, many themes of Chuci are mis- sing in Hanfu. Similarly, in Chuci there is no trace of themes generally as- sociated with Hanfu or considered congenial to the literary tastes of the Hanfu writers. As for the limited number of common themes that authors of both camps occasionally touched upon, their approaches were distinctly divergent. The question of disappointed literati unable to impress them- selves with the rulers provides a good example. As for the embracement of Qu Yuan, a thorough examination of all materials concerned shows that apart from very few pieces praising Qu Yuan, the mainstream Hanfu writers were critical of him. In other words, Hanfu writers did not admire Qu Yuan as profusely as posterity think they did. If we put Qu Yuan in a broader historical perspective and see how liter- ary critics during the Han, Wei and Jin dynasties received him and those in the category (such as Buo Yi and Ji Kang), we find that he was at best a marginalized figure rather than one in the center stage. Although as a result of drastic social changes people of those periods were caught up in similar moral straits and faced hard choices such as Qu Yuan did, their lukewarm reception of his ideas and action betrayed a different value system and codes of conduct. This has little to do with whether Confucianism or Taoism had more influence on Qu Yuan's thoughts, emotions, or action. Nor is it a rele- vant question whether Confucian or Metaphysic (Xuan) School constituted the major influence of those periods. Whichever school dominated the scene; the values and moral choices expressed through the Han, Wei, Jin literary works remained unchanged and did not have much impact on contempo- raries' critical views of Qu Yuan.
期刊論文
1.朱曉海(1998)。賦源平章隻隅。清華大學學報(哲學社會科學版),13(1),26-32。  延伸查詢new window
2.朱曉海(19990500)。嵇康仄窺。臺大中文學報,11,59-103。new window  延伸查詢new window
3.劉信芳(1993)。包山楚簡神名與《九歌》神祇。文學遺產,1993(5)。  延伸查詢new window
4.朱曉海(1999)。某些早期賦作與先秦諸子學關係證釋。清華學報,29(1),1-33。new window  延伸查詢new window
5.小南一郎(1991)。漢代章句之學的一個側面-以王逸「楚辭章句」為中心。東方學報(日本),63,62-76。  延伸查詢new window
6.湖南省博物館(1984)。新發現的長沙戰國楚墓帛畫。文物,7,3-4。  延伸查詢new window
7.費振剛(1984)。辭與賦。文史知識,42。  延伸查詢new window
8.費振剛(1984)。辭與賦。文史知識,總42,14。  延伸查詢new window
9.朱曉海(1999)。某些早期賦作與先秦諸子學關係證釋。清華學報,新29(1),7-13。new window  延伸查詢new window
會議論文
1.朱曉海(1996)。論張衡「歸田賦」。臺北。210-211。  延伸查詢new window
2.蔣天樞(1985)。《後漢書王逸傳》考釋。臺北。195-196。  延伸查詢new window
學位論文
1.邴尚白(1999)。楚國卜筮祭禱簡研究(碩士論文)。國立暨南國際大學。  延伸查詢new window
圖書
1.朱熹(1956)。楚辭集注。藝文印書館。  延伸查詢new window
2.陳奐(1970)。詩毛氏傳疏。臺北:臺灣學生書局。  延伸查詢new window
3.逯欽立(1995)。陶淵明集。北京:中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
4.(東晉)葛洪(1995)。神仙傳。上海。  延伸查詢new window
5.蕭統、李善、陸善經(2000)。唐鈔文選集注彙存。上海:上海古籍出版社。  延伸查詢new window
6.章樵(1973)。古文苑。臺北:鼎文書局。  延伸查詢new window
7.晁公武(197904)。郡齋讀書志。臺北:廣文書局。  延伸查詢new window
8.魏徵(1972)。隋書。台北:藝文印書館。  延伸查詢new window
9.釋慧皎、湯用彤(1992)。高僧傳。高僧傳序錄。北京:中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
10.余嘉錫(1980)。四庫提要辨證。中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
11.劉勰、范文瀾、黃侃(19930500)。文心雕龍注。臺北:臺灣開明書局。  延伸查詢new window
12.陳振孫(1979)。直齋書錄解題。臺北:廣文書局。  延伸查詢new window
13.劉勰、范文瀾(1970)。文心雕龍注。臺北:明倫出版社。  延伸查詢new window
14.陳壽、裴松之、盧弼(1972)。三國志集解。台北:藝文印書館。  延伸查詢new window
15.歐陽詢(1977)。藝文類聚。臺北:文光出版社。  延伸查詢new window
16.虞世南(1974)。北堂書鈔。臺北:宏業書局。  延伸查詢new window
17.呂不韋、陳奇猷(1995)。呂氏春秋校釋。上海:學林出版社。  延伸查詢new window
18.司馬遷、瀧川龜太郎(1972)。史記會注考證。藝文印書館。  延伸查詢new window
19.周天游(1986)。八家後漢書輯注。上海古籍出版社。  延伸查詢new window
20.嵇康、載明揚(1978)。嵇康集校注。河洛圖書出版社。  延伸查詢new window
21.屈原、金開誠、董洪利、高路明(1996)。屈原集校注。中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
22.房玄齡、吳士鑑、劉承幹(1972)。晉書斠注。臺北:藝文印書館。  延伸查詢new window
23.金開誠(2000)。屈原辭研究。屈原辭研究。江蘇。  延伸查詢new window
24.余冠英(0)。七言詩起源新論。漢魏六朝詩論叢。臺北。  延伸查詢new window
25.余嘉錫(0)。四庫提要辨證。四庫提要辨證。臺北。  延伸查詢new window
26.葛洪(1995)。神仙傳。上海:上海古籍出版社。  延伸查詢new window
27.(1995)。列仙傳。列仙傳。上海。  延伸查詢new window
28.趙善詒(1985)。說宛疏證。說宛疏證。上海。  延伸查詢new window
29.湯炳正。《楚辭》成書之探索。屈賦新探。  延伸查詢new window
其他
1.初學記。  延伸查詢new window
2.(唐)虞世南(1974)。北堂書鈔,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
3.(唐)徐彥(1968)。春秋公羊傳注疏,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
4.續漢書。  延伸查詢new window
5.(劉宋)范曄。後漢書,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
6.(東漢)蔡邕。蔡中郎集,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
7.(清)吳士鑑,(清)劉承幹(1972)。晉書斠注,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
8.李善(1971)。文選,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
9.(唐)孔穎達(1967)。周易注疏,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
10.(清)沈欽韓(1991)。兩漢書疏證,江蘇。  延伸查詢new window
11.(唐)徐彥(1968)。春秋公羊傳注疏,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
12.(唐)魏徵(1972)。隋書,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
13.楚辭。  延伸查詢new window
14.(東漢)班固。漢書,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
15.(唐)李善(1971)。文選,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
16.(北宋)章樵(1973)。古文宛,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
17.(清)陳奐(1970)。詩毛詩傳疏,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
18.(唐)孔穎達(1967)。周易注疏,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
19.三國志。  延伸查詢new window
20.世說新語校箋。  延伸查詢new window
21.御覽。  延伸查詢new window
22.(晉)皇甫謐(1969)。高士傳,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
23.論語正羲。  延伸查詢new window
24.陸雲集。  延伸查詢new window
25.校正莊子集釋。  延伸查詢new window
 
 
 
 
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