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題名:總統兼任黨主席對政府法案通過的影響:陳水扁政府時期的分析
書刊名:政治科學論叢
作者:李鳳玉 引用關係黃建實 引用關係
作者(外文):Lee, Feng-yuHuang, Chien-shih
出版日期:2015
卷期:64
頁次:頁85-136
主題關鍵詞:總統兼任黨主席政府提案政黨總統化半總統制陳水扁Presidents as party chairmanGovernment billsParty presidentializationSemi-presidentialismChen Shui-bian
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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  • 被引用次數被引用次數:期刊(10) 博士論文(0) 專書(1) 專書論文(0)
  • 排除自我引用排除自我引用:9
  • 共同引用共同引用:249
  • 點閱點閱:178
總統是否應該兼任黨主席,在台灣曾經引起多次的爭論,雖然正反意見存有相當歧異,但其實不管是國民黨或者是民進黨,在其執政任內,都沒能抗拒總統身兼黨主席所帶來的黨政領導的便利。總統身兼黨主席真的能夠使政府的施政更為順暢嗎?顯然這些選擇兼任黨主席的總統是如此認為,才會做出這樣的決定。然後,在理論上,既有文獻多半忽略這項因素的重要性;在實務運作上,我們也看到總統在兼任黨主席之後,政府提案未必能在立法院通過。究竟總統兼任黨主席對於政府提案通過的影響為何?平均而言,是正面的影響並且達到統計上的顯著水準嗎?這些問題是本文分析的主題,分析個案則鎖定在陳水扁執行時期。本文認為,在這個時期裡,民進黨雖然沒有掌握立法院過半的席次,但是在其他條件相同的情形下,總統透過兼任黨主席,能夠使政府提案的通過率相較於總統未兼任黨主席時,由於總統不用透過代理人來確保他的意志在執政黨裡獲得貫徹,因此能夠使得黨意更為貼近總統意志,而且也有助於總統透過領導黨來領導國會,並使得黨政之間維持較佳的聯繫,促進黨籍立委對於政府立場與政策的支持與了解。其次,總統兼任黨主席能對反對黨形成壓力,使其減少對政府提案採取全盤反對的可能性,原因有二,一是因為總統兼任黨主席有助於執政黨團結一致支持政府政策,從而能夠更有效地爭取民意支持,並且讓反對黨感受到比較大的壓力;二是因為總統兼任黨主席將更能確保執政黨的政策偏好彺全國的中間選民移動,因此比較能夠贏得民意以及反對黨的支持。本文的理論預期也得到實證資料的支持。
Whether a president should also serve as a party chairman has been a controversial issue in Taiwan. However, both the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party nodded in agreement on this issue as long as they were the ruling parties. Does the fusion of the two roles really make the passage of government bills easier? Most of the existing literature neglected the important factor of a president acting as a party chairman, and hence provided no answer to this question. In actual practice, we observed several cases of failures in securing the passage of government bills in the Legislative Yuan even after a president was named the chairman of the ruling party. In this article, we argue that, other factors being equal, the fusion of the two roles does enhance the probability of the passage of government bills. In our arguments, two reasons explain why this relation holds. Firstly, when a president acts as the party chairman, he/she does not need to rely on an agent to help him/her achieving policy goals, and can ensure the party’s policy preferences are exactly the same as his/her own. A president acting as a party chairman can also directly lead the party in the Legislative Yuan and better ensure support from the party's legislators. Secondly, a president acting as party chairman also helps induce a more cooperative stance among the opposition parties because of the following reasons. The first is that a more cohesive ruling party under a president's leadership as the party chairman is more likely to gain public support, which in turn makes opposition parties more likely to adopt more cooperative stances on some government bills. The second is that a president acting as a party chairman will help his party policy stances move closer to those of the median voter, and these policy stances will be more likely to gain public support, inducing opposition parties to follow suit, at least on some government bills. The empirical findings provide supportive evidence for the hypothesis of this article.
Other
1.李欣芳(2014)。學者:避免超級大總統總統不宜兼任黨魁,http://news.ltn.com.tw/news/politics/breakingnews/1172858, 2015/03/28。  延伸查詢new window
2.李順德(20030216)。游錫堃要求首長提十大政績。  延伸查詢new window
3.李順德(20030520)。政黨輪替今天三周年阿扁四項政見確定跳票。  延伸查詢new window
4.林何名(20051029)。民進黨被玩完了。  延伸查詢new window
5.林何名,羅曉荷(20051029)。李文忠:任用陳哲男扁應道歉。  延伸查詢new window
6.林政忠,李祖舜(20070820)。綠委憂選情,要扁說個話。  延伸查詢new window
7.林政忠,凌珮君(20070811)。統籌款爭議陳菊:不知如何輔選。  延伸查詢new window
期刊論文
1.Sinclair, Barbara(1999)。Transformational Leader or Faithful Agent? Principal-Agent Theory and House Majority Party Leadership。Legislative Studies Quarterly,24(3),421-449。  new window
2.邱訪義、李誌偉(20120600)。立法院積極議程設定之理論與經驗分析:第二至第六屆。臺灣政治學刊,16(1),3-60。new window  延伸查詢new window
3.黃秀端、陳鴻鈞(20060900)。國會中政黨席次大小對互動之影響--第三屆到第五屆的立法院記名表決探析。人文及社會科學集刊,18(3),385-415。new window  延伸查詢new window
4.Scher, Seymour(1963)。Conditions for Legislative Control/1。Journal of Politics,25(3),526-551。  new window
5.Carey, John M.、Shugart, Matthew Soberg(1995)。Incentive to Cultivate A Personal Vote: A Rank Ordering of Electoral Formula。Electoral Studies,14(4),417-439。  new window
6.Edwards, George C. III(1976)。Presidential Influence in the House: Presidential Prestige as a Source of Presidential Power。American Political Science Review,70(1),101-113。  new window
7.Lee, Frances E.(2008)。Dividers, Not Uniters: Presidential Leadership and Senate Partisanship, 1981-2004。The Journal of Politics,70(4),914-928。  new window
8.Saideman, Stephen M.、Lanoue, David J.、Campenni, Michael、Stanton, Samuel(2002)。Democratization, Political Institutions and Ethnic Conflict。Comparative Political Studies,35(1),103-129。  new window
9.陳宏銘(20110600)。行政機關與國會的相對立法影響力--以2008年後臺灣「一致政府」為例證。人文社會科學研究,5(2),77-103。new window  延伸查詢new window
10.吳重禮、林長志(20020300)。我國2000年總統選舉前後中央府會關係的政治影響--核四議題與府會互動的評析。理論與政策,16(1)=61,73-98。new window  延伸查詢new window
11.Sundquist, James L.(1988)。Needed: A Political Theory for the New Era of Coalition Government in the United States。Political Science Quarterly,103(4),613-635。  new window
12.黃秀端、何嵩婷(20071200)。黨團協商與國會立法:第五屆立法院的分析。政治科學論叢,34,1-44。new window  延伸查詢new window
13.陳宏銘、蔡榮祥(20080600)。選舉時程對政府組成型態的牽引力:半總統制經驗之探討。東吳政治學報,26(2),117-180。new window  延伸查詢new window
14.盛杏湲(20081200)。政黨的國會領導與凝聚力--2000年政黨輪替前後的觀察。臺灣民主季刊,5(4),1-46。new window  延伸查詢new window
15.陳宏銘(20090900)。臺灣半總統制下的黨政關係:以民進黨執政時期為焦點。政治科學論叢,41,1-55。new window  延伸查詢new window
16.邱訪義(20100900)。臺灣分立政府與立法僵局--理論建立及其實證意涵。臺灣民主季刊,7(3),87-121。new window  延伸查詢new window
17.盛杏湲(20050900)。選區代表與集體代表:立法委員的代表角色。東吳政治學報,21,1-40。new window  延伸查詢new window
18.盛杏湲(20001100)。政黨或選區﹖立法委員的代表取向與行為。選舉研究,7(2),37-73。new window  延伸查詢new window
19.盛杏湲(20031200)。立法機關與行政機關在立法過程中的影響力:一致政府與分立政府的比較。臺灣政治學刊,7(2),51-105。new window  延伸查詢new window
20.楊婉瑩(20030300)。一致性到分立性政府的政黨合作與衝突--以第四屆立法院為例。東吳政治學報,16,47-93。new window  延伸查詢new window
21.黃秀端(20031200)。少數政府在國會的困境。臺灣政治學刊,7(2),3-49。new window  延伸查詢new window
22.陳宏銘(20120600)。半總統制下總統的法案推動與立法影響力:馬英九總統執政時期的研究。東吳政治學報,30(2),1-70。new window  延伸查詢new window
23.盛杏湲(20120300)。媒體報導對企業型政治立法成敗的影響。東吳政治學報,30(1),1-42。new window  延伸查詢new window
會議論文
1.呂炳寬(2014)。我國與法國選舉時程之比較研究。第五屆半總統制與民主國際學術研討會,國立中山大學政治學研究所、中研院政治學研究所與珠海學院亞洲研究中心 (會議日期: 2014/05/17)。高雄:中山大學政治學研究所。  延伸查詢new window
2.盛杏湲、蔡韻竹(2012)。政黨在立法院的合作與對立:1996至2012年的觀察。2012年台灣政治學年會暨學術研討會-重新定位的年代:伸張正義、能源發展與國際趨勢,(會議日期: 2012年12月8-9日)。台北:臺灣政治學會。  延伸查詢new window
3.陳宏銘(20141207)。總統如何推動法案?台灣民選總統案例的研究。2014年台灣政治學會年會暨『當前全球民主實踐的再思考:困境、挑戰與突破』國際學術研討會,(會議日期: 12月7日)。台北:臺大政治學系。  延伸查詢new window
圖書
1.周萬來(2008)。議案審議--立法院運作實況。台北:五南圖書公司。  延伸查詢new window
2.Samuels, David J.、Shugart, Matthew Soberg(2010)。Presidents, Parties, and Prime Ministers: How the Separation of Powers Affects Party Organization and Behavior。Cambridge University Press。  new window
3.Kingdon, John W.(1984)。Agenda, Alternatives and Public Policies。New York:Harper Collins Publishers。  new window
4.Knapp, Andrew、Wright, Vincent(2006)。The Government and Political of France。New York:Routledge。  new window
5.Lijphart, Arend(2012)。Pattern of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries。New Haven:Yale University Press。  new window
6.Sinclair, Barbara(1995)。Lawmaking: The US. House of Representatives in the Post-reform Era。Baltimore:John Hopkins University Press。  new window
7.Neustadt, Richard E.(1990)。Presidential Power and the Modern Presidents: The Politics of Leadership from Roosevelt to Reagan。New York:Free Press。  new window
8.Shugart, Matthew S.、Carey, John M.(1992)。Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamic。Cambridge:Cambridge University Press。  new window
9.林濁水(2009)。歷史劇場:痛苦執政八年。臺北:INK印刻文學生活雜誌出版社。  延伸查詢new window
10.黃秀端(19940000)。選區服務:立法委員心目中連任之基礎。臺北:唐山。new window  延伸查詢new window
其他
1.周育仁(2002)。總統兼任黨主席需先釐清政黨責任,http://old.npf.org.tw/PUBLICATION/CL/091/CL-C-091-097.htm, 2015/03/28。  延伸查詢new window
2.盛治仁(2002)。陳總統兼任黨主席之影響,http://old.npf.org.tw/PUBLICATION/CL/091/CL-C-091-171.htm, 2015/03/28。  new window
3.謝長廷(20131111)。總統兼黨主席,毀憲亂政,http://www.appledaily.com.tw/appledaily/article/headline/20131111/35429057/。  延伸查詢new window
圖書論文
1.Cohen, Jeffrey E.(2008)。Presidential Leadership in an Age of New Media。Presidential Leadership: The Vortex of Power。New York:Oxford University Press。  new window
2.Edwards III, George C.(2008)。Impediments to Presidential Leadership: The Limitations of the Permanent Campaign and Going Public Strategies。Presidential Leadership: The Vortex of Power。New York:Oxford University Press。  new window
3.Lijphart, Arend、Rogowski, Ronald、Weaver, R. Kent(1993)。Separation of Power and Cleavage Management。Do Institutions Matter? Government Capabilities in the United States and Abroad。Washington DC:Brooking Inst。  new window
4.Smith, Steven S.、Gamm, Gerald(2001)。The Dynamics of Party Government in Congres。Congress Reconsidered。Washington DC:CQ Press。  new window
5.Linz, Juan J.(1994)。Presidential or Parliamentary Democracy: Does It Make a Differnce?。The Failure of Presidential Democracy: Comparative Perspective。Baltimore:John Hopkins University Press。  new window
6.Fiorina, Morris P.(1981)。Congressional Control of the Bureaucracy: a Mismatch of Incentives and Capabilities。Congress Reconsidered。Washington, D.C.:Congressional Quarterly Press。  new window
7.李鳳玉(2011)。總統與其政黨的關係 : 法國與臺灣的比較。黨政關係與國會運作。臺北:五南。new window  延伸查詢new window
 
 
 
 
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