定窯、汝窯、官窯等十二世紀重要的瓷器窯場， 因〔坦齋筆衡〕、〔負暄雜錄 〕等宋代筆記的記載，而有了糾葛的興廢承繼的關係。本文乃以其它的文獻史料及考古資料 做了下述的推論：一、依〔宋會要〕的記載，宣和六年時，定窯瓷器仍供應內廷尚食局的需 用；從考古發現所見，這應是芒口瓷器。同時，〔東京夢華錄〕也記錄徽宗國宴以金銀稜器 饗客。定窯係因附會北宋朝野對金銀器的好尚，而製作覆燒芒口器及印花薄胎瓷器，且持續 至北宋末年，甚或在北宋亡後十數年便供應金朝內府的需用。因此所謂「定窯有芒不堪用」 語，是不符史實的。二、若「定窯有芒」成為官方的藉口，並以此引出汝窯的興燒，則牽涉 到汝窯滿釉芝麻釘支燒美感的來源。本文從幾件器物造型的比較，認為汝窯的燒造與北宋帝 王對大食玻璃器皿的喜好有關；且正因北宋宮廷之不善製作玻璃器，以及汝州生產瑪瑙等類 玻璃熔塊之礦石，故以為政和時汝州貢瑪瑙成為命汝州燒瓷之契機。時間上與〔坦齋筆衡〕 所謂「政宣時京師自置窯燒造」的「官窯」重疊。本文一方面主張北宋官窯在「京東西窯務 」或「東西八作司」等機構下成立之可能性；也認為不能排除汝窯即京師權責下指揮成立的 官窯之可能性。三、若南宋人所言「定窯有芒」為不堪用的官方藉口，則可能與使用的時空 因素相關。宋代君臣經常討論國家典禮的儀式，並重視適宜的祭器。南宋官窯興燒的原因， 即為供應國家祭典的需用，並彌補青銅禮器短少的窘境。紹興元年、四年、十三年有命餘姚 （越州）、平江府（蘇州）燒造瓷器之記載；至於一般所知杭州官窯的燒造，應是紹興十九 年以後的事。所謂「襲故京遺制」應是指燒造制度的延續。四、官方瓷器的製作，有因日常 實用器皿的需求，有因把玩欣賞的裝飾，有因國家典禮的陳設，而以公帑要求窯場燒造供應 ；從十二世紀的前期到中期，金銀器、玻璃器、銅器都曾深切的影響瓷器的藝術風格。瓷窯 興衰的重要因素實受帝王的品好及官方的重視與鼓勵所影響；但如五代的越窯不因吳越亡國 而消逝，且在百餘年後啟迪了南宋官窯的生機，則知瓷窯自身堅韌持續的生命力，實不容忽 視。

　　　　　The kils that produced Ting, Ju, and Kuan ware were among the most important production sites for official ceramics in the 12 �� century. Sung dynasty records found in the collectanea T'an-chai Pi-heng and Fu-hsuan tsa-lu discuss the history and tradition of ceramic production at these major kilns. However, in this article, the author consults other textural and archaeolgical material to present a new analysis of Sung official ware, including the following hypotheses; (1)According to records found in Sung Hui-yao, the Ting Kiln continued to provide ceramics for the Bureau of Foods and Services at the Inner Court until almost the end of the Northern Sung. Judging from archaeological discoveries at the Ting kiln, these ceramics would appear to be mang-k'ou ("rough mouth" or unglazed-rim) porcelain. At the same time, however, we find a record in the early Southerm Sung text by Meng Yuan-lao, entitled Tung-ching Meng-hua lu, which states that gold-and silver-rimmed porcelain was used exclusively at imperial banquets held by Emperor Hui-tsung. Ting were eas produced in accordance with the Northern Sung preference at court and among the populace for using gold-and silver-decorated objects, hence the production of delicate unglazed-rim porcelain and incised patterns. This continued until the end of the Northern Sung, and in fact, they were even used at the court of the Chin conquerors for a dozen years there-after. It is for these reasons that the frequently cited "Unglazed-rim Ting ware cannot be used" becomes doubtful, especially in relation to the archaeological or hisorical evidence. (2)If the Fact that "Ting ware has unglazed rims "became an official excuse for not using them at the court, and thus the reason for the establishment of the Ju kiln, then we would expect some sort of relationship between Ting and Ju celadon ware. In this article, however, through the comparison the forms of several bottles' types, we find that the production of Ju wear arose from the fascination of the Northern Sung emperors with Islamic glassware popular at the time. We find that the Northern Sung court was unsuccessful at producing high quality glassware and thus turned to the Ju-chou region, which was known for the tribute of glass-like minerals such as agate. Thus, after Ju-chou presented agate to the court in the Cheng-ho era (1111-1117), Ju-chou was instructed to develop kilns for firing porcelain. This period, moreover, also coincides with the record of "Kuan ware" being fired directly at the capital during the Cheng-ho and Hsuan-ho area (1111-1125) found in the aforementional T'an-chai pi-heng. Thus, in this article, it is suggested that Kuan ware was possibly fired under the auspices of such govermment agencies as the Capital Kilns Service or the Eight Offices. This, however, does not exclude the possibility that the Ju kiln was established by the court specifically for the production of Kuan ware. (3)If we accept the Southern Sung belief that unglazed-rim Ting ware counld not be used at court, it might in fact be related to differences in time and place. Textual materials show that Sung emperors and officials often discussed the content of imperial ceremonies and rites, emphasizing the appropriate use of vessels. Therefore, in the Southern Sung, the resurrection of Kuan ware was to provide for the needs arising from national rites and cermonies, as well as to make up for the lack of bronze vessels. In 1131 and 1134, the Yu-yao kiln in Yueh-chou was orderd by the court to produce porcelain, forming the earliest type of Southern Sung Kuan ware. In 1143 the court instructed the P'ing-chiang region (modern Soochow) to produce porcelain, but the Hangchow Kuan ware that we know today was not produced until after 1159. Thus, the tradition of following previous courts contiuned in the Southern Sung. (4)The production of porcelain for the court was to meet the need for vessels of everday use, for the decoration and amusement of the court, and for the ceremonies and rituals of state. State funds were used to purchase the vessels made at these kilns. From the beginning to the mid 12 �� centruy, vessels made from silver, gold, glass, and bronze all influenced the style and features of ceramics. Often the rise and fall of kiln was due to two major factors: the appreciation of the emperor and official support. An exception to this was the Yueh hiln, which flourished in the Five Dynasties (907-960). Despite the fall of the Wu-yueh state, it still served as a stimulus for the production of Sung ceramics nearly a hundred years later. This indicates that the internal driving force behind a kiln was also an important factor in its growth and history.