每一場革命都有它特定的語言，這個需求不單凸顯在革命進程的語言建構上，也 展現在其後對此革命行動的詮釋與理解上。訓政在中國的誕生，以及訓政理念在 1920 年代 的密集層累造成，其所顯示的正是這樣一套修補完整的革命語言。它的逐步具體成形，表徵 的不只是革命本身在當時的曲折與變形；同時它也顯示，革命黨人希望透過這套革命語言的 建構與運用，鋪陳規劃革命的走向與前途。然而，就「約法之治」的首次出現 (1905) 到「 訓政時期約法」的實際制定 (1931) 為止。我們可以發現，這套語言事實上是一個歷經創作 、刪削、填充、和再詮的革命語言。在此過程中，它賦予國民黨一黨訓政的「合法」基礎， 但也開啟了訓政本身的可能失敗之門。也就是說，訓政的未能在 1935 年如期結束，並順利 進入憲政時期，在我看來，並不單單如大多數近現代史的學者所言，只是因為中國當時面對 著內有軍閥、共黨之憂，外有日本侵凌東北、華北的禍亂而已。訓政本身的變易和其革命語 詞的任意與不確定，也是造成訓政未能如期展開和結束的原因。

　　　　　The innovation of revolutionary rhetoric not only helps embody the revolutionary ideas and ideals, but prescribes the ways in which they are to be evaluated and interpreted. The birth of the language of political tutelage in China, and its intensive cumulated formation in the 1920s, exemplifies how important such a revolutionary language is to a revolution. The content of the language not only reflects the difficulties that the revolutionaries were encountering, but displays how they tried to create a new language to authorize their revolutionary activities. The formation of the language, I suggest, virtually narrates a necessity for the Kuomintang to deploy a party-rule in China. Yet, in doing so, it also dooms its failure in the mid 1930s. This ironic development should not be attributed solely to the effects of warlord politics and communist rebellions, nor to the Japanese invasions of Manchuria and North China, as many historians have suggested. The wayward development of the language and the contradictions that it creates are also responsible for the failure of the tutelage in China.