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題名:也談「北劇」的名稱、淵源、形成和流播
書刊名:中國文哲研究集刊
作者:曾永義 引用關係
作者(外文):Tseng, Yong-yih
出版日期:1999
卷期:15
頁次:頁1-42
主題關鍵詞:院本院爨院么么末朗末撇末撇朗末粧么麼雜劇北曲雜劇北雜劇北劇Yuan-penYuan-ts'uanYuan-yaoYao-moLang-moP'ieh-moP'ieh-lang-moChung-yao-moChuang-yaoMo-yaoTsa-chuPei-ch'u tsa-chuPei tsa-chuPei-chu
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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     北曲雜劇共有十種名稱。「樂府」、「傳奇」、「北曲」、「元曲」或借用古語或從其片面性格而言,故後來不用以指稱北雜劇。另外六種名稱則可看出北曲雜劇演進的歷程:「北院本」之院本見其小戲階段的雛型;「院么」或「么麼院本」見其進入大戲之過渡:「么末」見其完成為大戲的俗稱;「雜劇」見其完成為大戲並取宋金雜劇之地位而代之的專稱;「北劇」則見其與「南戲」對立之情況。北曲雜劇淵源於金院本,而金院本又與宋雜劇不殊。因宋雜劇流入民間,其演員不再是宮廷優人、改由民間的「行院人家」,故易名稱「院本」。院本快速注入民間鮮活生命力,發展出以市井口語為名稱的新劇種,有「院么」與「么末」兩種。「院么」可見改副淨主演之滑稽詼諧為末色主唱之北曲套數,但以宋金雜劇院本「通名兩段」之成規推之,其北曲當有兩段,分演劇目相近的不同故事;院本名目中另有「院爨」,是行院演出的爨體,具有踏爨、趨搶嘴臉之表演特色。由於院么體質變化較大,從中衍生為「么末」、「朗末」、「撇末」、「撇朗末」等異名同實的劇體,明白宣稱以「末色」為主演,並將宋金雜劇院本各自獨立的四個段落,結為起承轉合故事情節連貫一體的新體製,只是演出時仍舊一段一段分開,中間夾入音樂歌舞或雜技,保持原來各自獨立的方式。「么未」成立的年代應當在宋寧宗嘉定九年、金宣宗貞祐二年 (1214) 金遷都於南京 (汴京 ),宋金「雜劇」改稱為「院本」,又進而有「院么」之後;所以其成立之地亦應當是當今之開封、洛陽、鄭州一帶,也因此北曲雜劇便以 << 中原音韻 >> 為正聲。至於由市井口語之「么末」轉而取「雜劇」而代之,則應當在元世祖至元 (1271) 改國號為「元」之後,十六年 (1276) 滅宋之前。小戲可以多源並起,大戲只能一源多派,因此「么末」或「雜劇」由中原流播各地必因方言腔調之不同而分派為各腔調劇種。, 北曲雜劇發祥地在中州 (開封、洛陽、鄭州一帶的河南 ),故唱北曲宗中州調為佳;北曲發達後以大都為中心,故以小冀州調按拍傳絃最妙;又流播至湖北,故有「黃州調」之腔調劇種;元末明初北曲音樂變革而產生「絃索調」;南曲崑山水磨調獨霸劇場後,也用來唱北曲,謂之「北曲南調」又考察劇作家籍貫分布情況。元代前期在北方,後期在南方,亦可見北劇創作與流播的區域性。再由考古文物觀察,大都、真定、東平、平陽,正是北劇至元間大盛之時的四個流播地域。
     There are more than ten names for pei-ch'u tsa-chu. The names "yueh-fu," "ch'uan-ch'i," "pei-ch'u," and "Yuan-ch'u" were perhaps derived from ancient language, or perhaps referred to one characteristic of the drama among others; therefore, these names ceased to be used to refer to northern tsa-chu later. From the six other names, one can follow the trajectory of the development of pei-ch'u tsa-chu: the "yuan-pen" in "pei yuan-pen" shows a concise example from its period as skits or incidental theater. "Yuan-yao" or "yao-mo yuan-pen" shows it as it entered a transitional phase of major theater. "Yao-mo" shows it as it was named as a fully-realized form of major theater. "Tsa-chu" shows it as a fully realized major theater and also as the tradition which had taken over the position of Sung and Chin tsa-chu and had replaced it. Then "pei-chu" shows it in its form of opposition to "nan-hsi." pei-ch'u tsa-chu originated in Chin yuan-pen; Chin yuan-pen in turn. is not far removed from Sung tsa-chu. Because Sung tsa-chu entered the folk tradition, its actors were no longer from the palace; they became professional performing folk. This was the reason that the name was changed to "yuan-pen." Yuan-pen rapidly penetrated to the very lifeenergy of the people; it developed into a new form of drama taking its names from urban speech. There were two arieties, "yuan-yao" or "yao- mo." With "yuan-yao," we see that the leading role of the second ching, as the clown and jester, is changed i into the role of mo as the leading singer, in the arrangement of pei-ch'u. However, judging from the way that Sung and Chin tsa-chu yuan-pen is set up as "two parts under the same name," pei-ch'u should have been presented in two parts, as two different stories which shared similar dramatic plots and themes. Other names for yuan-pen include "yuan-ts'uan," which is a kind of act performed by the professional actors. This included steps and odd facial expressions as features of the performance. Because there are greater changes in the make-up of yuan-mo, it gave rise to such differently named styles as "yao- mo," "lang-mo," "p'ieh-mo," and "p'ieh-lang-mo," which were in fact all similar dramatic forms. Clearly, these forms all have the role of mo as their major performes. Moreover, they took the four idependent parts which were known from the Sung and Chin yuan-pen, and combined them into a new form which merged the traditional story lines. Only, while performing these, they still kept each part separate, one segment after the other, and in between segments they inserted music, dance, or special acrobatic or other variety performances; in this way they maintained the style of keeping each part independent as they always were. The year when "yao-mo" was established should be 1214, when Chin moved its capital to Nan-ching (Pian-ching). Sung and Chin "tsa-chu changed its name to "yuan-pen" and then "yuan-yao. "These changes must have taken place somewhere near the present K'ai-feng, Lo-yang and Cheng-chou. For this reason, pei-ch'u tsa-chu can really be called "the voice of the chung-yuan (central plains area)" with justification. As far as the change from the name "yao-mo," which is urban speech, to "tsa-chu" which is the form it replaced, this should have been after 1271, when Yuan Shih-tsu of the Yuan Dynasty changed the dynastic name to "Yuan," but before his sixteenth year (1276), when he destroyed the Sung. A skit tradition can juxtapose its sources in a concurrent display, but a great dramatic tradition can only have a single origin with many varying sub-traditions. So as the "yao-mo" or "tsa-chu" spread out of the chung-yuan (central plains) area into other regions, it necessarily developed into different sub-traditions by adapting to different dialects and different language styles. They became various regional dialect sub-traditions. The original home of pei-ch'u tsa-chu was Chung-chou (K'ai-feng, Lo-yang, and Cheng-chou in Ho-nan). Therefore, to sing traditional pei-ch'u, it is best to sing in the ancestral Chung-chou dialect. After pei-ch'u became well-established as an urban-centered tradition, it was most effective to sing in the Hsiao chi-chou style, technique and rhythms. When it spread to Hu-pei, it took on the "Huang-chou style" of theater. At the end of the Yuan and the beginning of the Ming, Pei-ch'u music underwent a revolution and produced "Hsien-suo style." With the predominance of nan-ch'u's K'un-shan shui-mo style, it was transferred to use in pei-ch'u singing as well, and was called "Southern style pei-ch'u." Moreover, in examining the distribution of the place of origin of various dramatic authors, we find that in the early Yuan they came from the north, but in the late Yuan they came from the south. From this we can see the regional character of the creation and propagation of pei-chu. Again, examining it from the perspective of archaeology, we see that four important regions in the florescence of pei-chu during the Yuan period were Ta-tu, Chen-ting, Tung-p'ing, and P'ing-yang areas.
期刊論文
1.廖奔(1988)。從平陽戲曲文物遺存看元雜劇發展時空序列。中華戲曲,1988(1),162-181。  延伸查詢new window
學位論文
1.游宗蓉(1999)。元明雜劇之比較研究--以題材為核心之探討(博士論文)。國立臺灣大學。new window  延伸查詢new window
圖書
1.孟元老(1980)。東京夢華錄。台北:大立出版社。  延伸查詢new window
2.曾永義(19970000)。論說戲曲。臺北:聯經。new window  延伸查詢new window
3.曾永義(1975)。有關元雜劇的三個問題。中國古典戲劇論集。臺北。new window  延伸查詢new window
4.曾永義(1988)。中國古典戲劇的形成。詩歌與戲曲。臺北。new window  延伸查詢new window
5.曾永義(1988)。中國地方戲曲形成與發展的徑路。詩歌與戲曲。臺北。new window  延伸查詢new window
6.曾永義(1980)。中國古典戲劇腳色概說。說俗文學。臺北。  延伸查詢new window
7.路工(1985)。魏良輔和他的《南詞引證》。訪書見聞錄。上海。  延伸查詢new window
其他
1.(元)王惲。秋澗集。  延伸查詢new window
2.徐朔方(1993)。金元雜劇的再認識,杭州。  延伸查詢new window
3.元曲選。  延伸查詢new window
4.李修生(1998)。杜仁傑行年考,北京。  延伸查詢new window
圖書論文
1.曾永義(1992)。參軍戲及其演化之探討。參軍戲與元雜劇。臺北:聯經。new window  延伸查詢new window
2.曾永義(1992)。元雜劇體製規律的淵源與形成。參軍戲與元雜劇。臺北:聯經出版社。  延伸查詢new window
3.曾永義(1997)。論說五花爨弄。論說戲曲。臺北:聯經出版事業公司。new window  延伸查詢new window
 
 
 
 
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