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題名：漢語產製的詞素登錄
作者：陳春敏
作者(外文)：Train-Min Chen
校院名稱：國立中正大學
系所名稱：心理學所
指導教授：陳振宇
學位類別：博士
出版日期：2007
主題關鍵詞：詞素；語詞產製；內隱促發作業；圖-詞干擾作業；漢語；implicit priming task；picture-word interference task；Mandarin Chinese；morpheme；word production
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本論文的主旨在於探討漢語產製是否涉及成分詞素的處理。實驗一到實驗六採用了內隱促發作業。在這個作業中，受試者首先必須學習數個由提示詞和目標詞所構成的詞對，提示詞和目標詞彼此之間具有聯想關係。接著，電腦螢幕的中央每一次會隨機地呈現一個提示詞，受試者必須儘快且大聲地說出這個提示詞所配對的目標詞。當目標詞共享詞首時，受試者的反應通常會比較快，這就是所謂的內隱促發效果。本研究的實驗一顯示，當目標詞共享第一個字的聲調音節時有內隱促發效果，但是內隱促發效果的大小並不會因為目標詞是否進一步共享第一個字的字形而有所不同。實驗二發現，目標詞共享第一個詞素時有內隱促發效果，但是共享第二個詞素時則無。實驗三發現，詞素和對應的聲調音節所產生的內隱促發效果大小相當。實驗四發現，即便聲調音節情境下的目標詞是單詞素，詞素和對應的聲調音節所產生的內隱促發效果大小相當。實驗五發現，即使詞素和聲調音節情境進一步匹配字形，詞素和對應的聲調音節所產生的內隱促發效果大小相當。實驗六發現，共享詞素的頻率不會影響內隱促發效果的大小。這些內隱促發實驗的結果並不支持漢語產製涉及詞素的論點。為了交叉驗證內隱促發實驗的發現，本論文進一步採用圖-詞干擾作業繼續探索這個議題。在這個作業中，受試者每一次必須進行圖片叫名，並忽略一個干擾詞。這個干擾詞與圖片名稱可能有詞素相關（共享詞素、字形和聲調音節）、字相關（共享字形和聲調音節）、語音相關（共享聲調音節）、語意相關（共享意思）或無關。當干擾詞於圖片呈現的前100毫秒呈現時（SOA = -100毫秒），有詞素和字促進效果，但是沒有語意和語音促進效果；當干擾詞和圖片同時呈現時（SOA = 0毫秒），有詞素、字和語音促進效果。無論SOA等於-100或是0毫秒，詞素和字促進效果的大小相當，字促進效果則大於語音促進效果。另外，當圖片以圖片名稱取代且SOA設成-100毫秒時，有詞素、字和語音促進效果，三者的大小相當。最後，當干擾詞和圖片之間插入一些無關的嘗試次（詞或圖片）時，有詞素和字的促進效果，詞素促進效果略大於字促進效果。這些圖-詞干擾實驗的結果顯示漢語產製涉及成分詞素的處理，但詞素所扮演的角色不大。最後，本論文討論了一些可能的原因。
The dissertation investigated the issue of whether the production of a Mandarin Chinese word involves the processing of its constituent morphemes. Experiments 1-6 employed the implicit priming task. In the task, the participants first learned a set of word pairs, the members of which were associatively related. Then, they were shown the first word of each pair and had to say out loud the second word as quickly and correctly as possible. When the second words to be produced in a block shared the initial portion, production latencies were typically shorter than when they did not share the initial portion. This has been referred to as the implicit priming effect. Experiment 1 demonstrated a reliable implicit priming effect when the disyllabic compound words to be spoken shared the first tonal syllable (i.e., syllable plus tone), but the effect did not vary whether the shared tonal syllables had the same orthography. Experiment 2 showed that the implicit priming effect was observable only when the disyllabic compound words to be spoken shared the first character, but not when they shared the second character. Experiment 3 showed that characters and their corresponding tonal syllables produced equal sizes of implicit priming effect. This was replicated in Experiment 4 using disyllabic monomorphemic words. Experiment 5 observed comparable implicit priming effects whether or not the shared characters corresponded to the same morpheme. Experiment 6 showed that the implicit priming effect of the shared morpheme was insensitive to the frequency of the morpheme. The combined evidence from the implicit priming task gave no support for the involvement of morpheme in Chinese word production. To examine whether the null results were restricted to the implicit priming task, the picture-word interference task was adopted in the next set of experiments. The task involved having participants name a picture while ignoring a distractor word that was morphologically related to the name of the picture (overlapped on morpheme, character, and tonal syllable), character related to it (overlapped on character, and tonal syllable), phonologically related to it (overlapped on tonal syllable), semantically related to it (overlapped on meaning), or unrelated to it. Under the conditions when the distractor word preceded the picture by 100 ms (i.e., SOA = -100 ms), there were reliable effects for morphologically and character related trials (both being facilitatory), but not for semantically or phonologically related trials. When the distractor word was directly superposed on the picture (i.e., SOA = 0 ms), there were reliable facilitatory effects for morphologically, character, and phonologically related trials. At both SOAs, morphological facilitation was equal to character facilitation, and character facilitation was greater than phonological facilitation. When the pictures were replaced by their names and the SOA was set at -100 ms, the results showed reliable morphological, character, and phonological facilitations, all of equal size. Finally, when the distractor word and the paired picture were separated by 7-10 unrelated trials (words or pictures), the result showed reliable morphological and character facilitations, and morphological facilitation was slightly greater (by 8 ms) than character facilitation. The evidence from the picture-word interference task suggested that constituent morphemes are processed in the course of word production in Chinese, but they contribute very little to the outcome of word production. The dissertation concludes with a discussion of why such might be the case.
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