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題名:中美戰略互動下中國海洋安全戰略及其對西太平洋區域安全影響之研究(2012-2020)
作者:蕭時光
作者(外文):Shyr-Guang Shiau
校院名稱:淡江大學
系所名稱:國際事務與戰略研究所博士班
指導教授:翁明賢
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2022
主題關鍵詞:海洋安全戰略海洋安全政策海上絲綢之路南海東海海外基地Maritime Security StrategyMaritime Security PolicyMaritime Silk RoadSouth China SeaEast China SeaOverseas Bases
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本論文運用建構主義身分決定利益的概念與命題著手,分析美中在國際間互動過程形成不同類型無政府文化,並且基於不同無政府文化建構中美不同身分關係。因此,本論文從不同「身分」角度切入分析美中戰略互動下,中國海洋安全戰略包括:「軍民融合」政策達成政經一體化聯合機制,採取「灰色地帶」戰略南沙島礁填沙設施建設、海警船艦與海上民兵執行島嶼維權、籌建海外基地;海軍艦艇派赴亞丁灣打擊海盜護航任務,維護海上交通線安全,促進聯結非、歐與中東各區域「一帶一路」倡議開發的經濟建設,維護海洋安全利益。再從此海洋安全戰略角度分析對於西太平洋區域安全的影響。
經過緒論及各章針對習近平擔任總書記兩任期期間因應美國因素的影響,對於中國海洋安全戰略與五個命題研究分析,可以進一步說明本論文分析架構的適用性。未來研究可從理論運用與國際法、兩岸關係、非傳統安全與航母作戰等領域,持續深化探討中國海洋安全戰略的研究。本論文政策建議,包括制定台灣所需的海洋安全戰略與建構對海上嚇阻的軍事能力等兩項,期能抵制中國「以商圍政」戰略的動機,重建台灣從海洋經濟發展,體認台灣在西太平洋可控制戰略制高點的位置,將東部地區配置面攻船飛彈,強化地形與資源設施戰場的經營,抵制中共航母戰術運用的威脅。
This paper uses the concept and proposition of constructivism that identities determine interests, analyzes the formation of different types of anarchic cultures in the process of international interaction between the United States and China, and constructs different identities between China and the United States based on different anarchic cultures. Therefore, this paper analyzes the US-China strategic interaction from the perspective of different "identities".
We can see that China's maritime security strategy includes: a "military-civilian integration" policy to achieve a joint mechanism for political and economic integration, to adopt the "gray zone" strategy for the construction of sand to fill facilities on Nansha islands and reefs, dispatch Coast Guard ships and maritime militia to enforce island rights and prepare for the establishment of overseas bases. So Chinese navy has the ability to dispatch to the Gulf of Aden to combat pirates and escort missions, maintain the safety of sea lines of communication, and promote the economic development of the Belt and Road Initiative linking Africa, Europe, and the Middle East, etc., in order to safeguard the interests of maritime security. Then this paper analyzes the impact on the security of the Western Pacific from the perspective of maritime security strategy.
After the introduction and each chapter, the research and analysis of China's maritime security strategy and five propositions can further illustrate the applicability of the analysis framework of this paper. Future research can continue to deepen the research on China's maritime security strategy from the fields of theoretical application and international law, cross-strait relations, non-traditional security, and aircraft carrier operations. The policy recommendations of this paper, including the formulation of Taiwan's required maritime security strategy and the construction of military capabilities to deter maritime deterrence, are expected to resist China's motives of "encirclement with business" strategy, rebuild Taiwan's maritime economic development, and realize Taiwan can control the position of the strategic commanding heights in the Western Pacific, deploy surface attack missiles in the eastern region, strengthen the operation of terrain and resource facilities on the battlefield, and resist the threat of the tactical use of the Chinese aircraft carrier.
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阮清香,2021/9。〈越南國家主席阮春福主政後的越「中」南海關係〉,《展望與探索》,第19卷第9期,頁95-104。
宋吉峰,2012/1。〈從海上反恐分析美國海軍戰略的轉變〉,《國防雜誌》,第27卷第1期,頁30-44。
宋筱元,2006/3。〈習近平時期中共的網絡輿論管理〉,《展望與探索》,第14卷第3期,頁46-66。
宋鴻兵,2010/3。〈國際金融危機與中國模式的突圍〉,《河南工業大學學報(社會科學版)》,第6卷第1期,頁19-29。
杜鈴玉,2015/3。〈習近平「中國夢」之探討〉,《展望與探索》,第13卷第3期,頁40-64。
杜鈴玉,2013/1。〈中國推動文化「走出去」戰略之研究:以設立孔子學院為例〉,《展望與探索》,第11卷第1期,頁48-69。
李靜傑,2019/7。〈中俄關係七十年〉,《俄羅斯東歐中亞研究》,第4期,頁1-15。
李思嫺,2005/3。〈中國威脅論下的「和平崛起」論述〉,《國立台灣科技大學人文社會學報》,第11卷第1期,頁63-80。
李慶功,周忠菲,蘇浩,宋德星,2014。〈中國南海安全的戰略思考〉,《科學決策》,第11期,頁1-51。
李明正,2020/12。〈近期中共以民逼官策略分析〉,《海軍軍官季刊》,第39卷第3期,頁8-25。
李鵬,〈從「戰略競爭者」到「利益相關者」:美國對華戰略定位轉變與台灣問題—一種建構主義的分析視角〉,《台灣研究集刊》,總第91期第1期,2006年,頁1-13。
李驍、薛力著,2015/7。〈21世紀海上絲綢之路:安全風險及其應對〉,《太平洋學報》,第23卷第7期,頁50-64。
李濱,2004。〈中國目前面臨的主要非傳統安全問題及其排序〉,《世界經濟與政治》,第3期,頁44-48。
李少軍,2009。〈國家利益與中國的安全戰略選擇〉,《國際政治研究》,第4期,頁108-111。
李雪威,2021/1。〈東北亞海洋圈的構想與構建〉,《東北亞研究》,第2期,頁108-132。
吳雪鳳,2016/7。〈哈薩克對中國地緣戰略與能源安全之意涵〉,《遠景基金會季刊》,第17卷第3期,頁109-155。
吳建德,2000/7。〈臺海兩岸建構軍事互信機制之可行性評估〉,《展望與探索》,第8卷第7期,頁45-71。
吳漢,2019/1。〈2018年兩岸關係回顧與展望〉,《展望與探索》,第17卷第1期,頁13-23。
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吳崇涵,2018/12。〈中美競逐影響力下的台灣避險策略〉,《歐美研究》,第48卷第4期,頁513-547。
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林文程,2011/10。〈中國全球佈局中的海洋戰略〉,《全球政治評論》,第36期,頁 19-42。
林子立,2019/1。〈美「中」競逐對兩岸關係的影響〉,《展望與探索》,第17卷第1期,頁107-116。
林柏州,2018/9。〈美國《2018年中國軍力報告》對中國國際影響力及政經發展等專題之分析〉,《國防情報月刊》,第135期,頁17-24。
林文隆,2009/8。〈中共以陸路油氣管線突破麻六甲困境之展望〉,《戰略安全研析》,第52期,頁14-19。
林詩凱,2020/7。〈美-中貿易競爭之結構性問題研究〉,《全球政治評論》,第71期,頁95-118。
邱昭憲,2019/1。〈中國崛起的國際制度參與—多邊安全制度影響國際合作行為之檢視〉,《遠景基金會季刊》,第10卷第1期,頁135-180。
周寶明,2015/10。〈中國與南海諸國主權爭議及軍備競賽之研析〉,《展望與探索》,第13卷第10期,頁55-74。
周平,2018/4。〈美國南海政策的演化與進程〉,《展望與探索》,第16卷第4期,頁40-64。
周小亮,2014。〈習近平經濟思想研究〉,《海派經濟學》,第12卷第3期,頁1-24。
周繼祥,2013/1。〈2012年兩岸關係的回顧與前瞻〉,《展望與探索》,第11卷第1期,頁1-6。
孟文婷,2017。〈中國參與聯合國維和行動的研究述評〉,《國際政治研究》,第4期,頁85-102。
柯玉枝,2018/12。〈美、「中」貿易摩擦對東北亞政經影響〉,《展望與探索》,第16卷第12期,頁71-81。
段曉蕊,2015/3。〈論美國對中國崛起的認知〉,《世界經濟與政治論壇》,第2期,頁87-98。
洪銘德,2020/10。〈中國發布首部維和白皮書之評析〉,《國防安全雙週報》,第13期,頁27-31。
洪銘德,2016/4。〈日本對中亞外交政策之分析〉,《全球政治評論》,第54期,頁77-92。
胡波,2014/4。〈中美在西太平洋的軍事競爭與戰略平衡〉,《世界經濟與政治》第5期,頁64-84。
胡聲平,2017/3。〈馬政府時期的美台關係(2008-2016)〉,《南華大學社會科學論叢》第3期,頁95-144。
胡聲平,2017/10。〈殖民帝國主義遺緒下的中印邊界糾紛及其前景〉,《全球政治評論》,第60期,頁9-14。
胡敏遠,2018/1。〈中美南海議題之競合─中國追求「新型大國關係」的挑戰〉,《遠景基金會季刊》,第19卷第1期,頁57-107。
胡瑞舟,2014/1。〈北京劃設東海防空識別區之戰略評析〉,《戰略安全研析》,第105期,頁39-50。
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姬國環,2017/6。〈一帶一路的戰略邏輯思維與佈局之研究〉,《復興崗學報》,第110期,頁121-150。
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孫久文、高宇傑,2021/1。〈中國海洋經濟發展研究〉,《區域經濟評論》,第1期,頁38-47。
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秦宣,2019。〈論中國共產黨總結改革開放經驗的特色與啟示〉,《中共福建省委黨校學報》,第1期,頁4-10。
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莫大華,2002/9。〈國際關係「建構主義」的原型、分類與爭論-以Onuf、Kratochwil及Wendt的觀點分析〉,《問題與研究》,第41卷第5期,頁111-148。
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陳振良,2019/7。〈建構主義架構下的美「中」兩國折衝〉,《展望與探索》,第17卷第7期,頁39-64。
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陳陸輝,2019/4。〈從民意的觀點評估兩岸關係與2020總統選舉〉,《展望與探索》,第17卷第4期,頁125-142。
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陳春輝、丁增義,2020/6。〈對台灣統獨爭議的析論的看法〉,《育達科大學報》,第48期,頁115-152。
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張琪閔、莊水平,2016/10。〈由中共近代領導人淺析建軍備戰深化之研究〉,《海軍學術雙月刊》,第50卷第5期,頁97-102。
張清敏,2014/2月。〈理解十八大以來的中國外交〉,《外交評論》,第2期,頁1-20。
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張祥山,2019/6。〈兩岸關係的關鍵:從主權理論視角分析〉,《展望與探索》,第17卷第6期,頁31-55。
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劉傳宗,2010/10。〈中共海軍戰術戰法研析〉,《海軍學術雙月刊》,第44卷第5期,頁67-76。
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劉文斌,2008/11。〈黑瞎子島主權歸屬及其影響〉,《展望與探索》,第6卷第11期,頁43-61。
劉德海,2009/夏。〈變遷中的南韓中國政策〉,《台灣國際研究季刊》,第5卷第2期,頁1-35。
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鄭端耀,2001/6。〈國際關係「社會建構主義理論」評析〉,《美歐季刊》,第15卷第2期,頁199-229。
鄭端耀,2003/4。〈布希政府安全戰略發展評析〉,《遠景基金會季刊》,第4卷第2期,頁1-37。
蕭時光,2021/12。〈中共劃設東海「防空識別區」對海權用兵思維改變的研究:以中共處理「中」、日釣魚台爭端為例〉,《國立臺灣戲曲學院通識教育學報》,第12期,頁207-236。
蕭時光,2022/6。〈中共吉布地海外軍事基地的戰略意涵:馬漢的觀點〉,《中共研究》,第56卷第2期,頁62-90。
蕭朝琴、戴振良,2003/5。〈從中共二砲發展論台灣安全思維〉,《展望與探索》,第1卷第5期,頁54。
謝游麟、何培菘,2017/6。〈中共海軍亞丁灣護航行動6週年之回顧與啟示〉,《海軍學術雙月刊》,第50卷第1期,頁112-124。
謝游麟,2017/6。〈中共海軍戰略轉型之意涵與影響〉,《海軍學術雙月刊》,第51卷第3期,頁33-48。
薛力,2014/10。〈建設「海上絲綢之路」:解決南海爭端的催化劑〉,《世界知識》,第10期,頁23-25。
鍾堅,2005/7。〈中國進口原油海上交通線面臨的困局〉,《展望與探索》,第3卷第7期,頁10-14。
鍾永和,2019/4。〈中共海軍維權與協助執法之研究〉,《海軍學術雙月刊》,第53卷第2期,頁37-38。
鍾堅,2008/5。〈共軍最大的築港工程:亞龍海軍基地〉,《展望與探索》,第6卷第5期,頁17-22。
顏建發,2021/1。〈由2020年回顧與展望兩岸關係的走向〉,《展望與探索》,第19卷第1期,頁21-27。
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顧立民,2009/7。〈中國海洋地緣戰略與石油安全研究〉,《遠景基金會季刊》,第10卷第3期,頁79-113。
學位論文
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2012/10/19。〈直擊「 東海協作-2012」軍地海上聯合維權演習〉,《中共中央人民政府網站》,〈http://www.gov.cn/jrzg/2012-10/19/content_2247503.htm〉,(檢索日期:2020年10月11日)。
2013/7/31。〈習近平在中共中央政治局第八次集體學習時強調 進一步關心海洋認識海洋經略海洋 推動海洋強國建設不斷取得新成就〉,《共產黨員網》,〈https://news.12371.cn/2013/07/31/VIDE1375272363988342.shtml〉(檢索日期:2022年5月17日)。
2013/3/2。〈專家稱中央海權辦成立系涉海高層次協調機構〉,《中國評論新聞網》,〈http://hk.crntt.com/doc/1024/5/5/4/102455449.html?coluid=70&kindid=1850&docid=102455449〉,(檢索日期:2020年10月11日)。
2003/5/9。〈國務院關於印發全國海洋經濟發展規劃綱要的通知〉,《中華人民共和國中央人民政府網》,〈http://big5.www.gov.cn/gate/big5/www.gov.cn/gongbao/content/2003/content_62156.htm〉(檢索日期2020年11月22日)。
2013/3/10。〈國務院機構改革和職能轉變方案〉,《中共新聞網》,〈http://theory.people.com.cn/BIG5/n/2013/0310/c40531-20738452.html〉,(檢索日期:2020年10月23日)。
2018/2/28。〈國台辦發佈實施《關於促進兩岸經濟文化交流合作的若干措施》的相關情況〉,《中共中央台辦、國務院台辦網》,〈http://www.gwytb.gov.cn/wyly/201802/t20180228_11928563.htm〉(檢索日期:2022年5月24日)。
2013/3/15。〈國務院機構改革和職能轉變方案〉,《中央政府門戶網站》,〈http://www.gov.cn/2013lh/content_2354443.htm〉(檢索日期:2022年5月20日)。
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王佳寧,2015/11/7。〈習近平在新加坡國立大學的演講(全文)〉,《共產黨員網》,〈http://www.xinhuanet.com/world/2015-11/07/c_1117071978_2.htm〉(檢索日期:2022年5月18日)。
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白宇,201/3/16。〈政府工作报告(全文)〉,《人民網》,〈http://lianghui.people.com.cn/2017/n1/2017/0316/c410899-29150065-2.html〉(檢索日期:2022年5月15日)。
史瑋,2013/3/22。〈習近平22日抵達莫斯科開始對俄羅斯進行國事訪問〉,《中央政府門戶網站》,〈http://www.gov.cn/ldhd/2013-03/22/content_2360285.htm〉(檢索日期:2022年5月25日)。
宋岩,2020/9/18。〈《中國軍隊參加聯合國維和行動30年》白皮書〉,《中華人民共和國中央人民政府網》,〈http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2020-09/18/content_5544398.htm〉,(檢索日期:2021年6月2日)。
李靖棠,2018/3/1。〈美通過《台灣旅行法》陸外交部表達強烈不滿〉,《中時新聞網》,〈https://www.chinatimes.com/realtimenews/20180301002588-260409?chdtv〉(檢索日期:2022年5月24日)。
李理,2020/2/22。〈新時期重新評價施琅統一台灣的重要性〉,《中國評論通訊社》,〈http://hk.crntt.com/doc/1056/7/8/6/105678606.html?coluid=7&kindid=0&docid=105678606&mdate=0226135545〉(檢索日期:2021年1月22日)。
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徐崇哲,2020 /11/13。〈蓬佩奧:台灣非中國一部分 美對台承諾跨越黨派[影]〉,《中央通訊社國際版網站》,〈https://www.cna.com.tw/news/firstnews/202011130005.aspx.〉,(檢索日期2022年6月21日)。
洪哲政,2021/2/17。〈中共通過海警法 學者:授權海警必要時向外國船隻開火〉,《聯合報新聞網》,〈https://udn.com/news/story/10930/5256291〉,(檢索日期:2021年7月18日)。
張倫,2022/2/22。〈點評中國:孔子塑像應該立在哪里?〉,《BBC新聞中文網》,〈https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/simp/china/2011/03/110328_cr_confucius_tiananmen_square〉(檢索日期:2022年5月2日)。
張興華,2018/3/21。〈中共中央印發《深化黨和國家機構改革方案》〉,《中華人民共和國中央人民政府網》,〈http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2018-03/21/content_5276191.htm#1〉(檢索日期:2022年7月9日)。
陳燕,2013/7/31。〈習近平:要進一步關心海洋、認識海洋、經略海洋〉,《中央政府門戶網站》,〈http://www.gov.cn/ldhd/2013-07/31/content_2459009.htm〉(檢索日期:2022年5月14日)。
康小蘭,2015/5/26。〈《中國的軍事戰略》白皮書(全文)〉,《國務院新聞辦公室網站》,〈http://www.scio.gov.cn/zfbps/ndhf/2015/Document/1435161/1435161.htm〉(檢索日期:2022年5月22日)。
郭媛丹,2015/2/9。〈我海軍一線指揮官訪美獲贊揚 中美討論海上相遇〉,《人民網》,〈http://military.people.com.cn/BIG5/n/2015/0209/c1011-26531665.html〉,(檢索日期2018年6月11日)。
董佩琪,2013/2/5。〈習近平領軍 設指導小組捍海權〉,《旺報網》,〈https://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20130205001013-260303?chdtv〉(檢索日期:2022年7月9日)。
溫雅,2016/3/17。〈中華人民共和國國民經濟和社會發展第十三個五年規劃綱要〉,《中國政府網,政務》,〈http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2016-03/17/content_5054992.htm〉(檢索日期:2022年5月20日)。
歌籃,2017/4/14。〈北韓局勢緊張日本預備支援美軍〉,《美國之音網》,〈https://www.voacantonese.com/a/cantonese-gl-japanese-warships-join-us-fleet-near-north-korea-as-tensions-rise-0414-ry/3810058.html〉,(檢索日期2018年9月23日)。
薛力,2004/8/31。〈台灣問題─一種建構主義的分析〉,《二十一世紀》網絡版,總第29期第8期,〈http://www.usc.cuhk.edu.hk/wk_wzdetails.asp?id=3441〉,(檢索日期2020年11月29日)。
關燃敏,2018/1/26。〈《中國的北極政策》白皮書(全文)〉,《國務院新聞辦公室網站》,〈http://www.scio.gov.cn/zfbps/32832/Document/1618203/1618203.htm〉(檢索日期:2022年5月25日)。
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