泰雅語音韻系統、重建與分群__臺灣人文及社會科學引文索引資料庫

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題名：	泰雅語音韻系統、重建與分群
作者：	郭育賢
作者(外文)：	Goderich, Andre
校院名稱：	國立清華大學
系所名稱：	語言學研究所
指導教授：	廖秀娟黃慧娟
學位類別：	博士
出版日期：	2020
主題關鍵詞：	歷史語言學；南島語；泰雅語；音韻學；historical linguistics；Austronesian languages；Atayal；phonology
原始連結：	連回原系統網址
相關次數：	被引用次數:期刊(0) 博士論文(0) 專書(0) 專書論文(0) 排除自我引用:0 共同引用:0 點閱:1

本論文描述及探討泰雅語七大方言(賽考利克泰雅語、四季泰雅語、汶水泰雅語、萬大泰雅語、澤敖利泰雅語、宜蘭澤敖利泰雅語、大興泰雅語)之共時音韻系統、重建原始泰雅語（Proto-Atayal)的詞彙與音韻系統並將該七大方言分群。
在音韻系統方面，筆者描述泰雅語各個方言的音位系統、語音組合限制以及共時音變。就輔音系統而言，各個方言主要的差異在於：(1) 萬大、澤敖利、宜蘭澤敖利、大興等四個方言中無輔音/q/、(2) 賽考利克、澤敖利、大興等三個方言中無輔音<c> /ts/、(3) 萬大方言有輔音/ɹ/。泰雅語方言的元音數量少則3個（/a i u/，如:大興方言），多則6個（/a i u e o ə/，如:賽考利克、四季、澤敖利等方言）。汶水、萬大、大興等三個方言依舊保留倒數第三個音節的元音差異，在其他方言中，該位置的元音則弱化為/ə/。所有方言中，唯有汶水方言尚保留詞尾的濁擦音。就音節結構而言，除了汶水方言以外，其餘方言皆允許CGVC的音節結構，大興方言甚至允許更複雜的CGVGC音節結構。
本文以主流歷史語言學家所使用之標準比較方法（the standard Comparative Method)，即透過方言間之規律與音對應，重建原始泰雅語的音韻系統。原始泰雅語總共有19個輔音音位（*p, *t, *k, *q, *ʔ, *b, *g, *c, *s, *x, *h, *m, *n, *ŋ, *l, *r, *ɹ, *w, *y）。其中原始泰雅語有*q、*c、*ɹ等三個音位，目前並無方言保留此三個輔音完全不變。原始泰雅語的元音系統只有4個元音（*a, *i, *u, *ə）。除音韻系統以外，筆者亦重建原始泰雅語的語音組合限制，即音節結構與音位分布限制。原始泰雅語的音韻結構相對簡單，最複雜的音節結構為CVC，且詞中音節尾僅允許近音。
筆者將泰雅語方言分為北泰雅（Northern Atayal）與南泰雅（Southern Atayal）兩大群，北泰雅語群涵蓋汶水、賽考利克、四季等三個方言，其證據為*-lit 與 *-liʔ之合流以及共同的詞彙創新。北泰雅語群中，賽考利克和四季方言組成核心北泰雅語群（Nuclear Northern Atayal），證據除了五項共同規律音變以外，亦有零星的音變與共同的詞彙創新。南泰雅語群包含萬大、澤敖利、宜蘭澤敖利、大興等四個方言，證據為原始泰雅語*q 與 *ʔ之合流和詞彙創新。南泰雅語群中，澤敖利、宜蘭澤敖利、大興等三個方言組成核心南泰雅語群（Nuclear Southern Atayal），以原始泰雅語 *ɹ 與 *y 之合流為證據。澤敖利和大興方言之間的關係最為相近，兩者組成西南泰雅語群（Southwestern Atayal），證據為*c 與 *s之合流、共同詞彙創新和零星的音變。
本文主要有三個貢獻：(1) 語言記載：本文所使用之語料主要為筆者田野調查之記錄，各方言蒐集約2000個詞條。(2) 原始泰雅語之重建：本文共重建約1100個詞條。(3) 泰雅語方言之分群：本文為第一個以語言學比較方法提出泰雅語方言分群的研究。

以文找文

This study presents a description of the synchronic phonology of seven Atayal dialects, a reconstruction of Proto-Atayal phonology and lexicon, a reconstruction of some 1100 lexical items in Proto-Atayal in the appendix, and a subgrouping of the seven Atayal dialects. The seven dialects are: Squliq, Skikun, Matu’uwal, Plngawan, Klesan, S’uli, and Matu’aw. The Squliq and Matu’uwal dialects have received considerable attention in linguistic literature. The rest have had little to no research done on them, especially with regard to phonology. Data used in the dissertation is primarily from my own fieldwork, which includes approximately 2000 words on average from each dialect.
The phonological descriptions include phoneme inventories, phonotactics, as well as synchronic alternation processes. The consonant systems are largely similar across dialects, containing from 16 to 18 consonant phonemes. The main differences are: (1) the lack of a /q/ phoneme in Plngawan, Klesan, S’uli, and Matu’aw; (2) the lack of a <c> /t͡s/ phoneme in Squliq, S’uli, and Matu’aw (although Squliq is developing a phonemic contrast between <c> /t͡s/ and /s/ in some environments); and (3) the presence of a second rhotic /ɹ/ in Plngawan. The vowel systems in Atayal dialects range from 3 vowels in Matu’aw to 6 vowels in Squliq, Skikun, S’uli, and Klesan (including the marginal phoneme /ə/). Three dialects—Matu’uwal, Plngawan, and Matu’aw—preserve phonemic vowel distinctions in the third-to-last syllable, while the remaining dialects neutralize them. Phonotactically, Matu’uwal is the only dialect to preserve word-final voiced fricatives. In terms of syllable structure, all dialects except Matu’uwal allow CGVC syllables, and some allow even more complexity, with CGVGC syllables attested in Matu’aw.
The phonology of Proto-Atayal is reconstructed based on regular and recurrent sound correspondences between the dialects, in accordance with the standard Comparative Method. Proto-Atayal had a slightly larger consonant inventory than extant dialects, with a total of 19 consonant phonemes: it has the phonemes *q, *c, and *ɹ, but no modern dialect has preserved all three. In contrast to more complexity in its consonants, Proto-Atayal a simple four-vowel system, smaller than most modern Atayal dialects. Apart from the phoneme inventory, I reconstruct the phonotactics of Proto-Atayal: its syllable structure and phoneme distribution restrictions. Proto-Atayal had a relatively simple syllable structure, with the maximum syllable being CVC, and only semivowel codas allowed word-medially.
I divide the Atayal dialects into two main groups—Northern Atayal and Southern Atayal. The Northern subgroup comprises Matu’uwal, Squliq, and Skikun, and is evidenced by the common merger of Proto-Atayal word-final *-lit and *-liʔ sequences, as well as a number of lexical innovations. Within the Northern subgroup, Squliq and Skikun form the Nuclear Northern Atayal subgroup, as evidenced by no less than five common sound changes and a number of lexical innovations and shared aberrations. The Southern group consists of Plngawan, Klesan, S’uli, and Matu’aw, which share the merger of Proto-Atayal *q and *ʔ, and a number of lexical innovations. Within the Southern subgroup, Klesan, S’uli, and Matu’aw form the Nuclear Southern Atayal subgroup, sharing the merger of Proto-Atayal *ɹ and *y on the phonological side. S’uli and Matu’aw are even more closely related, forming the Southwestern Atayal subgroup, evidenced by lexical innovations and aberrations, and the merger of *c and *s. This new subgrouping is more accurate and more detailed than the previous proposal of a bidialectal divide into Squliq and C’uli’ (Utsurikawa et al. 1935).

以文找文

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