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題名：論漢語焦點與分裂句結構
作者：李惠琦 引用關係
作者(外文)：Hui-chi Lee
校院名稱：國立清華大學
系所名稱：語言學研究所
指導教授：蔡維天
學位類別：博士
出版日期：2005
主題關鍵詞：分裂句；焦點；準分裂句；焦點結構；漢語；cleft construction；focus；pseudo-cleft construction；focus construction；Chinese
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國立清華大學
研究所所別：語言學研究所
論文名稱：論漢語焦點與分裂句結構
指導教授：蔡維天 教授
研究生：李惠琦
過去有不少前人從不同的面向研究漢語分裂句結構，例如鄧守信(1979)、李櫻(1980)、湯廷池(1983)、Ross(1983)、黃正德(1988)、邱慧君(1993)及曹逢甫(1994)都曾經討論過漢語的分裂句結構。然而，在前人的研究中，卻鮮少討論到分裂句的內在結構。本論文的主要貢獻是根據語言證據，將漢語的分裂句分為兩個不同的焦點結構。主語焦點(subject-focus)與附加語焦點(adjunct-focus)分為同一類，謂語焦點(predicate-focus)另為一類。
本論文主要討論四大主題：(一) 漢語分裂句的本質、(二)討論句末分詞「的」、(三)討論焦點標誌「是」、(四)討論分裂句句法結構。
首先，根據「是」與「的」的分佈將句型分為兩類，一類為「的」不可以省略的句型，此類被分析為關係子句；另一類為「的」可以省略的句型，此類被分析為漢語的分裂句。此外，分裂句的另一種形式，即[V的O]句型，也深入討論後歸納出四個此句型的傾向：(一)與過去時間的高相關、(二)動詞組結合性強、(三)賓語傾向無定、(四)賓語傾向句法上的單純。
主語焦點句與附加語焦點句根據八點語言證據與謂語焦點句區分開。八點證據包括「的」字的同現、焦點範域、[V的O]句型的代換、其他語言的證據支持等等。此外，討論四個主題：(一)謂語焦點句應與關係子句區分開，(二)謂語的類型影響著「的」字的同現，(三) 討論焦點標誌「是」與情態詞的語序關係，(四) 比較焦點標誌「是」與其他焦點標誌如「連」、「只」。
最後，跨語言的研究分裂句的句法結構。討論語言包括英語、匈牙利語、日語、泰語及漢語。本論文採用焦點詞組(FP)的分析。也分析討論了漢語的準分裂句型的語意及句法結構。
ABSTRACT
ON CHINESE FOCUS AND CLEFT CONSTRUCTIONS
Hui-chi Lee, Ph. D.
Graduate Institute of Linguistics
National Tsing Hua University, 2005
Professor Wei-tien Dylan Tsai, Advisor
There is plenty of previous research focusing on Chinese cleft construction. The previous researchers pay attention to different issues for analyzing Chinese cleft construction. Teng (1979), Li (1980), Tang (1983), Ross (1983), Huang (1988), Chiu (1993), Tsao (1994) make great effort to explore Chinese cleft sentences. However, among the previous research, the internal structure of the cleft construction is little explored. In this dissertation, depending on different types of focused elements, cleft sentences are divided into three focus patterns: subject focus, adjunct focus and predicate focus. One of the contributions of this dissertation is to distinguish the subject/adjunct-focus from the predicate-focus structures. The discrepancies between the subject/adjunct-focus sentences and the predicate-focus sentences are fairly obvious, but which has been inadequately discussed in the past, and has therefore led to great confusion.
The main discussions of this dissertation focus on four topics: (i) the nature of Chinese cleft construction, (ii) discussion of sentence final de, (iii) discussion of the focus marker shi, and (iv) the syntax of the cleft construction.
Firstly, the distribution of shi and de’s co-occurrence is displayed and two subgroups are divided according to the possibility of the omission of de. Pattern A is assumed to be sentences with headless relative clauses with the configuration ‘shi…*(de)’; Pattern B is assumed to be cleft sentences with the configuration ‘shi…(de)’. Moreover, the alternation of the cleft form [V de O] is discussed and four tendencies of the postverbal de are demonstrated. The properties of postverbal de are summed up as the following four tendencies: (1) highly frequent past time association; (2) VP compound tendency; (3) indefiniteness tendency of the object; and (4) simplicity tendency of the object.
The subject-focus and adjunct-focus structures are argued to be distinct from a predicate-focus structure by eight pieces of syntactic and semantic evidence. The eight pieces of evidence include the co-occurrence with de, various focus scope, the alternative of postverbal de, and support by cross-linguistic evidence, etc. Furthermore, the predicate-focus structure in the shi…de configuration is distinguished into sentences with headless relative clauses and sentences with focus are distinguished. In addition, it is assumed that predicate types (stative vs. dynamic) influence the grammaticality and the interpretations of predicate-focus sentences. Moreover, it is found that the word order of shi and modals varies depending on different types of modals. Lastly, shi is divided into two groups according to the focus scope. When shi occurs in the subject/adjunct-focus structures, the focus scope of shi is limited to the immediate constituent following shi. According to the constrained focus scope, the two focus structures are parallel to English cleft construction. When shi occurs in the predicate-focus structure, the focus scope of shi varies. Shi can focus on the verb, or the object, or the truth value of the proposition. The variety of focused constituents can be analogous to another focus marker, zhi ‘only’.
Finally, the syntactic structures of the cleft constructions are discussed cross-linguistically. The analysis of the specific maximal projection (FP) is employed.
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