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題名:Lifting the EU Arms Embargo on China: Symbols and Strategy
書刊名:歐美研究
作者:巴斯卡.威念松洪德欽 引用關係
作者(外文):Vennesson, Pascal
出版日期:2007
卷期:37:3
頁次:頁417-444
主題關鍵詞:武器禁運中華人民共和國歐洲聯盟策略象徵Arms embargoPeople's Republic of ChinaEuropean UnionStrategySymbols
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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  • 被引用次數被引用次數:期刊(1) 博士論文(0) 專書(0) 專書論文(0)
  • 排除自我引用排除自我引用:1
  • 共同引用共同引用:0
  • 點閱點閱:47
二○○三年十月至二○○五年三月,有關解除歐盟對中國武器禁運成為一項外交危機,以及歐盟與中國、歐盟會員國、美國、台灣及日本間密集談判之焦點。然而,一九八九年武器禁運乃是一項沒有法律拘束力之政治宣言,並不能完全阻止歐洲軍事設施對中國之銷售。另外,宣言也不是唯一以及主要架構用以管制歐盟會員國對中國從事科技與軍事相關的出口。為什麼某些國家急於將它解除,而其他國家堅持歐盟應該不計代價予以維持。本文論證解除武器禁運引發之國際危機乃是一項結合象徵與策略動機之產物。運用巴利.歐尼爾著作有關國際政治象徵面向之概念架構 (O’Neill, 2001),本文區分訊息象徵與焦點象徵。藉由解除武器禁運,歐盟領導者意圖單獨向中國發送一項象徵性訊息,然而解除武器禁運之形式對廣泛旁觀者仍產生一項沒有必要的焦點象徵,亦即歐洲國家將對中國出售武器。歐盟領導者事先沒有預見這項對中國象徵訊息之變化,以及就大部分而言,並不意味已產生該項焦點象徵。
From October 2003 to March 2005, the prospect of lifting the European Union’s (EU) arms embargo on China grew into a diplomatic crisis, and the focus of an intense bargaining between China, the EU, the EU member states, the U.S., Taiwan and Japan. However, the 1989 arms embargo is a non-legally binding political declaration that never fully prevented the selling of European military equipment to China. Furthermore, it is neither the only, nor the principal, mechanism governing EU member states’ technological and military related exports to China. Why do some actors so badly want to have it lifted, while others insist that the EU should maintain it at all costs? The paper argues that the international crisis triggered by lifting the arms embargo was the product of a combination of symbolic and strategic dynamics. Employing a conceptual framework inspired by the work of Barry O’Neill on the symbolic dimensions of international politics, this paper distinguishes between message symbols and focal symbols. By lifting the arms embargo, EU leaders wanted to send a symbolic message exclusively to China, but the form that they used—lifting the arms embargo—created an unwanted focal symbol that reached a wider audience: Europeans will sell arms to China. EU leaders did not foresee this transformation of their symbolic message to China and, for the most part, had not meant to create that focal symbol.
期刊論文
1.Jacob, A.(2006)。Berlin Approuve L'Embargo Européen sur les Ventes D'Armes à la Chine。Le Monde,25。  new window
2.International Crisis Group(2003)。Taiwan Strait II: The Risk of War。Asia Report,54。  new window
3.Katsumata, H.(2006)。Why does Japan Downplay Human Rights in Southeast Asia?。International Relations of the Asia-Pacific,6(2),249-267。  new window
會議論文
1.Bildt, C.(2005)。Can We Overcome the European Crisis?。0。  new window
2.Li, Zhaoxing(2005)。Summary of remarks by Javier SOLANA, EU High Representative for the CFSP, after the meeting with Chinese Foreign Minister。0。  new window
圖書
1.Edelman, M. J.(1964)。The symbolic uses of politics。Chicago:University of Illinois Press。  new window
2.Edelman, Murray(1971)。Politics as Symbolic Action。Chicago, IL:Markham。  new window
3.Press, Daryl G.(2005)。Calculating Credibility: How Leaders Assess Military Threats。Cornell University Press。  new window
4.Schelling, Thomas C.(1960)。The Strategy of Conflict。Cambridge, Mass:Cambridge University Press。  new window
5.Schelling, Thomas C.(1966)。Arms and Influence。Yale University Press。  new window
6.Jervis, Robert(1970)。The Logic of Images in International Relations。Princeton, New Jersey:Princeton University Press。  new window
7.Elder, C. D.、Cobb, R. W.(1983)。The Political Uses of Symbols。New York:Longman。  new window
8.Bush, Richard C.(2005)。Untying the Knot: Making Peace in the Taiwan Strait。Washington, DC:Brookings Institution Press。  new window
9.Jervis, Robert(1989)。The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon。Cornell University Press。  new window
10.Delahaye, Y.(1977)。La Frontière et le Texte: Pour une Sémiotique des Relations Internationales。La Frontière et le Texte: Pour une Sémiotique des Relations Internationales。Paris, France。  new window
11.Edelman, M.(1977)。Political Language: Words that Succeed and Policies That Fail。New York, NY:Academic Press。  new window
12.O'Neill, B.(2001)。Honor, Symbols and War。Honor, Symbols and War。Ann Arbor, MI。  new window
13.Cabestan, J.-P.(2003)。Chine-Taiwan. La Guerre est-elle Concevable?。Chine-Taiwan. La Guerre est-elle Concevable?。Paris, France。  new window
14.Patten, C.(2006)。Cousins and Strangers: America, Britain, and Europe in a New Century。Cousins and Strangers: America, Britain, and Europe in a New Century。New York, NY。  new window
15.Austin, G.(2005)。The 1989 China Arms Ban: Putting Europe's Position to Congress。London, UK:The Foreign Policy Centre。  new window
16.Archick, K.、Grimmett, R. F.、Kan, S.(2006)。European Union's Arms Embargo on China: Implications and Options for U.S. Policy。European Union's Arms Embargo on China: Implications and Options for U.S. Policy。Washington, DC。  new window
17.Ueta, T.(2006)。Japan, the EU, and OSCE。EU's Foreign Governance: CFSP and ESDP and Its Impact on Asia。Macau。  new window
其他
1.Agencies(2004)。Official: Airbus Deal not Linked to Arms Ban,0。  new window
2.American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research(2005)。Europe, China, and the Arms Embargo: The Implications of Sino-European Partnership for American Interests,0。  new window
3.Anthony, I.(2005)。Military Relevant EU-China Trade and Technology Transfers: Issues and Problems,0。  new window
4.Agencies(2005)。Solana: It's Time to End China Arms Embargo,0。  new window
5.Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of China(2006)。Appeal to the European Union to Maintain Its Arms Embargo on China - Position Paper,0。  new window
6.Anders, H.(2006)。The EU Code of Conduct on Arms Exports: The Current State of Play,0。  new window
7.Casarini, N.(2006)。The Evolution of the EU-China Relationship: From Constructive Engagement to Strategic Partnership,Paris, France。  new window
 
 
 
 
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