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題名：當代中共威權體制下的維吾爾民族治理
作者：季茱莉
作者(外文)：Julie Couderc
校院名稱：國立臺灣大學
系所名稱：國家發展研究所
指導教授：張志銘
曾建元
學位類別：博士
出版日期：2017
主題關鍵詞：中國共產黨；少數民族；族群衝突；民族治理；維吾爾；新疆/東土耳其斯坦；協和主義；China；Ethnic Minority；Ethnic Conflict；Uyghur；Xinjiang；Consociationalism；Authoritarian Regime
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族群或民族問題對於世界上許多國家而言，是一個社會與政治的重大問題，也是一個重要的文化問題。一個國家若無法將其國內的族群關係處理得宜，族群衝突勢將對國家治理的各個層面帶來災難。族群衝突的管理，除有賴於族群多元主義的政策思維，族群政治的體制選擇和設計，也是一個重大的課題。
維吾爾人受到中國政權的侵略和殖民，由原本新疆地區的主流民族淪為少數族群，導致自身身分認同、文化傳承和政治上的危機，是一切問題的根源，而在整個歷史變遷的過程中，當代中國共產黨當局前所未有的強勢統治和鎮壓及其引發的不滿和反抗，也使得當地族群關係益發緊張而趨向不穩定。
本論文即以當代維吾爾人和中國共產黨漢人黨國政權的族群衝突為標的，擬藉協和主義（consociationalism）作為理論視域的切入點，從中找尋一條解決當下困境的道路，試圖探索維吾爾和漢人權力共享之可能，並思考中共政權對新疆的高壓統治，是否能夠透過協和主義的運行，逐漸展開更多民主內涵的政治轉型，而最終可以透過政治制度來緩和維漢之間緊張的關係，從而促進和諧共存。
中共不斷依賴內聚和外擴的中華民族主義來維持統治正當性，造成漢人文化霸權對於黨國意識形態的全面滲透和掌控，這樣的統治策略，也必然助長國家機器在政治正確的操作下，對於少數民族的壓迫和歧視。維漢衝突的劇烈發展，是否能給予中共當頭棒喝，促使其改弦易轍，這是本論文的長期關懷，值得後續研究深入觀察之處。
本論文的研究架構分成三個重點：首先，為了理解族群和國家的關係，我們將探討中華人民共和國政府和中國共產黨的現代政治論述（political discourse），而特重胡錦濤、習近平主政下黨國意識形態和民族治理的關係；其次，本論文將分析2000年來的維漢族群衝突，從此發現中共民族政策對於族群衝突的影響；最後，本文則將運用協和主義的政治模式思考中國維漢族群衝突的管理之道。
This thesis investigates the phenomenon of ethnic minority conflict in China and explores the possibility and utility of applying consociational power-sharing solutions to resolve the situation. We focus on the Uyghur conflict through the lens of ethnic mobilization theory and discuss the feasibility of a consociational power-sharing political model being tested at the regional, sub-state level in Xinjiang, before being applied to the rest of China.
The theoretical framework employed draws from the concepts of ethnic mobilization, ethnic conflict, and authoritarian regime in Chinese societies, with the help of ethnic mobilization and conflict theories. We propose that China could use consociational power-sharing as a strategic route that prepares it for eventual democratization, and that the introduction of consociationalism can help China to offset or temper the risk of ethnic conflict that might otherwise result from a sudden transition to democracy. We show the link between the ideology of the Chinese government and party-state that emerge from Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping’s discourses, the localized contemporary ethnic policies in Xinjiang, and the rise of ethnic minority conflict and ethnic movements in the region.
Chapter Four examines the result of the party-state regime on the Uyghur ethnic situation. We ask what kind of political discourse is produced by the party-state, how the Chinese government views and manages its ethnic minorities, and through what political framework? The findings of this research demonstrate that the party-state’s project of one big Chinese nation is unintentionally producing tension between the government and the minorities. Ethnic policies which mirror the nationalist ideology of the CCP encourage conflict and protest instead of unifying the various ethnic groups. We show that state repression, surveillance and social policies increase internal contestation. The consequence of Chinese policies over minorities in the case of Xinjiang can only be understood in relation with the societal changes that have been affecting the region since the mid-1990s.
In Chapter Five, we focus on the contemporary conflict in Xinjiang based on recent data from 2000 to 2017. This chapter uses, for the most part, recent data to analyze the Uyghur conflict through a historical and quantitative approach. We cover the evolution and the transformation of the Uyghur movement since the 1990s. We focus more on the contemporary period to demonstrate that the violent incidents in Xinjiang have dramatically increased under the presidency of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping.
Finally, in Chapter Six, we show that consociationalism could be the key to finding stability in deeply divided China and could help to resolve, manage or mitigate the ethnic minority conflict that has plagued the Uyghur people and the region of Xinjiang.
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