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題名:互聯網媒體治理術:馬來西亞與新加坡的比較研究
作者:莊迪澎
作者(外文):CHANG, TECK PENG
校院名稱:世新大學
系所名稱:傳播研究所(含博士學位學程)
指導教授:賴鼎銘
馮建三
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2018
主題關鍵詞:互聯網社交媒體治理/治理術馬來西亞新加坡GovernmentalityInternetMalaysiaSingaporeSocial Media
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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馬來西亞和新加坡是東南亞兩個「偽民主政體」,自獨立建國以來不曾有過政權輪替,除了歸因於偏頗的選舉制度,兩國執政黨經由立法限縮新聞與輿論空間及控制媒體所有權,使媒體成為有力的統治宣傳工具也是公認的其中一個主因。然而,互聯網媒體自1990年代初在馬新兩國浮現之後,成了突破輿論封鎖和挑戰政府社會控制的重要平台。政府初期試圖以治理傳統媒體的手段來治理這種新媒體,但無法泡製相同的成果。本研究使用法國哲學家傅柯的治理術(Governmentaliy)理論作為分析工具,使用次級資料分析和深度訪談的方法,研究馬來西亞和新加坡自1994年先後開放民眾接入互聯網之後,在不同時期、歷經不同政府首長治國和發生重大政治事態的互聯網治理,並比較兩國互聯網治理的異同。本研究發現,馬新兩國的互聯網治理均有相似路徑:初期訴諸管制傳統媒體的立法和執法手法規範甚至打擊互聯網媒體(雖然相對寬鬆),但是隨著互聯網日益普及成為日常生活工具和資訊來源,尤其是社交媒體流行起來之後,馬新兩國的政府首長的治理手法亦隨之調整,不但為了展現自由、開放的「新政」而給互聯網媒體若干程度的鬆綁,也開始藏起明顯可見的國家機關和公權力,改以「網民」和「互聯網媒體業者」的姿態融入互聯網空間――經營本身的社交媒體平台、部署網軍反擊反對派及經營或資助親政府新聞網站等,以在互聯網輿論陣地佔一席之地,模糊了國家機關、公民社會/互聯網媒體的分界線。然而,當這些統治精英發現這種相對柔性的手法未能換取所欲的政治回報,反而引發權位危機時,他們便重新動員國家機器壓制互聯網異議,冀望立竿見影的消音效果。本研究認為,馬新兩國的互聯網媒體治理效率和公民社會/互聯網媒體的反治理能力有所差異,取決於四大因素:政府治國效率與合法性、政黨政治與公民社會結構、政府經濟控制範圍與力度,以及主流媒體專業能力與公信力。這四大因素使得新加坡的互聯網媒體治理比較接近傅柯所謂的治理術的效率,馬來西亞的互聯網治理則相對效率不彰。
Malaysia and Singapore are two “pseudo-democracies” in Southeast Asia and there has been no regime change since their Independence due to the gerrymandered electoral systems in favour of the incumbents. Another generally acknowledged contributing factor is that the ruling parties of both countries have severely suppressed press freedom and tightly controlled media ownership through draconian laws, thereby resulting in the traditional mainstream media serving as powerful propaganda tools for the ruling parties. The Internet media, however, has become an important platform for dissent that has been challenging the social control imposed by the governments since its emergence in the early 1990s. In the early days, both governments tried to govern this new media by means of governing traditional media but could not produce the same desired result. Equipped with secondary sources of data and in-depth interviews with stakeholders, this study adopted Foucauldian concept of Governmentality to examine the governmentality of the Internet media during different eras of administrations and major political developments in both countries since their general publics were able to access the Internet starting in 1994 respectively. The similarities and differences between the governmentality of Internet media in the both countries were also examined. This study found that both Malaysia and Singapore have deployed similar governmental technologies in dealing with the Internet media. At the early stage, legislations and enforcements that were used to suppress the traditional media were also adopted to regulate the Internet media, albeit in a relatively looser manner. As the Internet media in general and the social media in particular merged as an important source of information in the everyday life of the ruled citizens and became more and more popular, the ruling elites of both countries have also adjusted accordingly the ways they govern the Internet media. While the State apparatuses were never laid aside, they tried to loosen the regulation of the Internet media in order to display the openness and liberalness of the new generation of the ruling elites, and to engage the Internet space as a “netizen” and “Internet media practitioner”. They run extensively their own social media platform, deploy cybertroopers to counter-attack dissidents as well as to patronize pro-establishment news portals. All these efforts are blurring the boundary between the State and civil society/the Internet media. However, when these ruling elites found that such relatively liberal governmentality failed to yield the desired political returns but triggered a crisis of authority, they tend to re-mobilize the State apparatus to suppress the Internet dissidents with the hope of creating an immediate chilling effect. This study argues that there are four factors affecting the efficiency of Internet media governmentality and the ability of counter-conduct among the civil societies/Internet media in Malaysia and Singapore, namely, the efficiency and legitimacy of government; the structure of party politics and civil society, the scope and intensity of government's control over the economy, as well as the professionalism and credibility of the mainstream media. These four factors have made Singapore more effective in practicing Foucauldian governmentality over the Internet media, while Malaysia on the other side is relatively inefficient.
(中文)

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