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題名:從清末剛毅、鐵良南巡看中央和地方的財政關係
書刊名:中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊
作者:何漢威 引用關係
作者(外文):Ho, Hon-wai
出版日期:1997
卷期:68:1
頁次:頁55-115
主題關鍵詞:剛毅鐵良江蘇廣東中央地方財政關係
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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  • 被引用次數被引用次數:期刊(4) 博士論文(0) 專書(0) 專書論文(1)
  • 排除自我引用排除自我引用:2
  • 共同引用共同引用:14
  • 點閱點閱:198
     歷史學家研究晚清歷史時,常聚焦於中央和地方之間權力此消彼長的問題上。早 前史家咸認為太平天國革命被鎮壓後,無論就軍權、政權,以至財權各方面,中央控制日益 式微,尋演變為督撫專政之局。 1960 年代末期以降,前述論點不斷備受質疑;論者指出中 央既未如成說所云大權旁落,督撫亦未如想像中那樣為所欲為。儘管後一說法在學界中漸居 優勢,惟直至最近,督撫權力膨脹,中央集權體制瓦解的舊調,仍為不少學者所信奉。1899 年清政府任命剛毅為欽差大臣,南下到江蘇和廣東整頓財政;五年後,又以鐵良為欽使,南 赴江蘇理財。在全面討論清末中央和地方的財政關係前,作者擬先就這兩次欽使南巡作個案 研究,針對諸如:使命的指標、中央頒予兩位欽使訓令的明確度及落實可能性、他們舉措建 言的影響、所完成的任務的有效地落實程度及督撫對二人作為的反響、使命的政治含義等問 題,詳加探討。作者發現剛毅、鐵良二位欽使只專注於短期內攫取更多的財源,其作為對所 巡視有關省分的財政管理體系,並不具長期性的影響。中央雖仍握有掌控督撫仕途榮枯的行 政權力,卻因對省財政安排茫無所知而無從落實有效的管治。相應地,督撫面對下層盤根錯 節的貪污舞弊,亦因各種制約需無力整頓。對晚清中央和地方的財政關係,吾人實不能簡單 地以非此即彼「零和」視之。
     Historians have always focused on the issue of the rise of endemic regionalism at the expense of the central government in their study of the history of late Ch'ing China. Earlier on, there existed a consensus among historians that after the T'ai-p'ing uprising, the central authorities had lost their political, military and fiscal power, which fell into the hands of the provincial governors-general and governors. From the late 1960's on, the validity of such a claim has been questioned continuously; historians have pointed out that the centre did not lose its power to the province, while the provincial authorities were not free to do as they pleased. In spite of the fact that this argument has gradually attained ascendancy, up to now many scholars still believe in the conventional line of interpretation. In 1899 a politically sensitive mission to the affluent provinces of Kiangsu and Kwangtung for financial reorganization was entrusted to Kang-i; for similar purposes a second mission led by T'ieh-liang was dispatched to Kiangsu five years later. Before proceeding to discuss centre-province fiscal relations in all their aspects, the author conducts an in-depth case study of these two imperial missions, in order to explore the following issues: the rationale and aims of their mission, how specific and realizable their instructions were, the impact of their recommendations, the effectiveness of their accomplished tasks, the response of the provincial authorities to their actions, and the political implications of these two missions. My findings indicate that their extractions and political manoeuvring merely concentrated on gaining larger short-term revenues; they produced no long-term effects on the structure of the fiscal administration system of the provinces. The experience of these two missions reveal that while the centre was accepted as political arbiter, the central financial system clearly was lacking in administrative capacity. It should be noted that like the central government, the financial power of the governors-general and governors was much circumscribed by their clerks and subordinates in the revenue-collecting process, as a great part of the taxes collected were embezzled by this substratum even before they reached the higher levels of the provincial official hierarchy. Viewed from this perspective, we simply cannot regard the centre-province fiscal relations in late Ch'ing China as "zero-sum".
Other
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期刊論文
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5.Kennedy,Thomas L.(19720700)。The Kiangnan Arsenal in the Era of Reform, 1895-1911。中央研究院近代史研究所集刊,3(上),頁269-346。new window  延伸查詢new window
6.何漢威(1985)。A Final Attempt at Financial Centralization in the Late Qing Period, 1909-11。Far Eastern History,32,9-56。  new window
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8.何漢威(19930400)。從銀賤錢荒到銅元泛濫--清末新貨幣的發行及其影響。中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊,62(3),389-494。new window  延伸查詢new window
9.何漢威(19840800)。晚清四川財政狀況的轉變。新亞學報,14,199-348。new window  延伸查詢new window
10.范毅軍(19930600)。走私、貪污、關稅制度與明清國內貨物流通稅的徵收--明清時代關稅資料性質的檢討。中央研究院近代史研究所集刊,22(上),73-87。new window  延伸查詢new window
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15.朱慶永(1935)。同治二年蘇松二府減賦之原因及其經過。政治經濟學報,3(3),510-529。  延伸查詢new window
16.何瑜(1992)。晚清中央集權體制變化原因再析。清史研究,1。  延伸查詢new window
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19.姜道章(1976)。清代的鹽稅。食貨月刊,6(7),397-403。  延伸查詢new window
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