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題名:Neutralization in Taiwan Southern Min Tone Sandhi
作者:myers, james 引用關係Tsay, Jane
書刊名:Interfaces in Chinese Phonology : Festschrift in Honor of Matthew Y. Chen on his 70th Birthday;蕭宇超, 許慧娟, 黃良喜, 何大安 (編)
集叢:Tone Sandhi
頁次:47-78
出版日期:2008
出版項:臺北市:中央研究院語言學研究所
主題關鍵詞:Southern MinTone sandhiIncomplete neutralization
學門:語言學
資料類型:專書論文
相關次數:
  • 被引用次數被引用次數:期刊(1) 博士論文(0) 專書(0) 專書論文(0)
  • 排除自我引用排除自我引用:1
  • 共同引用共同引用:0
  • 點閱點閱:29
Phonologists have long assumed that tone sandhi in Southern Min is neutralizing, both across prosodic positions (e.g., juncture yangqu vs. context yinping) and within prosodic positions (context yinping vs. context yangping). Yet phonetic studies of other phonological processes often find that neutralization is only incomplete. Thus we had native speakers of Taiwan Southern Min read aloud pairs of sentences identical except for morphemes expected to be neutralized by tone sandhi. Speakers were recorded in two pragmatic conditions to test if the degree of neutralization is under speaker control. Neither across-position comparisons nor within-position comparisons showed statistically significant differences in f0 height or slope, though there were effects on syllable duration. This null result is consistent with complete neutralization for a number of reasons: the statistical method used is the most powerful and reliable currently available, f0 slopes did not preserve the putatively underlying tone contours, there was no effect of pragmatic context on f0, and the raw differences in f0 were much smaller than those found in other tone languages where neutralization has been claimed to be incomplete. Tone sandhi in Taiwan Southern Min thus seems to involve categorical phonological units, just as has long been assumed.
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