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題名:戰間期德國賠款問題與歐洲國際關係的糾葛
作者:鄧文龍
作者(外文):Wenlung Teng
校院名稱:國立中正大學
系所名稱:歷史研究所
指導教授:雷家驥
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2004
主題關鍵詞:賠款凡爾賽和約道茲計劃楊格計劃戰罪ReparationVersailles TreatyDawes PlanYoung Planwar-guilt
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第一次世界大戰後,德國對戰勝國的戰爭賠款問題,對後來歐洲英、法、德,與美等國歷史的發展有著關鍵性的影響。「德國賠款問題」不僅是巴黎和會中是衝突的來源,亦是「戰間期」(interwar period, 一九一九至一九三九年)眾多國際會議與國際事件的重要政爭的議題。從一九一九至一九三三年,就相關國家為解決德國賠款問題共召開超過卅次會議。(見附錄一)此外,歐洲各國一共有卅二起政府倒臺事件直接或間接與「德國賠款問題」有關。一九二0至三0年代初期,歐洲與美國外交關係中一個難以解決的問題,因為牽涉了戰債問題,多少也造成美國對歐洲事務的漠視。最後因德國國內的賠款問題,造成的經濟困頓,使希特勒順勢而起,種下第二次大戰的亂源。
本文擬將對德國賠款問題分成賠款的緣起、結局及影響等,以及此時期英、美、德、法主要國家間國際關係的變遷與更替,作一系統畫的分析與整理。
一九一九年巴黎和會上,英國和法國都要求德國給予賠款,美國主張確定賠款總額;法國強調德國當時缺乏支付能力,應該等德國經濟恢復時,再依照繁榮指數訂定,目的在希望多索取賠款,故凡爾賽和約只規定德國須支付戰爭賠款的原則,並未規定賠款總額,僅在和約中規定由法、英、美、義、比各派代表,組織賠款委員會,討論賠款相關事宜(美未派官方代表參加)。該會應在一九二一年五月一日前,定出賠款總額。在此之前,德國向協約國支付價值二00億金馬克的實物賠款。
一九二0年一月協約國賠款委員會開始運作。同年七月協約國斯巴會議協議賠款分配比例為:法國得百分之五十二‧二,英國百分之廿二‧三,比利時百分之八‧四,希臘、羅馬尼亞和南斯拉夫共得百分之六‧五,日本和葡萄牙各得百分之O‧七五。一九二一年初,德國估算交付各協約國的煤炭、車輛等實物共價值廿一億金馬克。但協約國方面估算只有九億多金馬克。一九二0年六、七月,協約國開會曾計劃讓德國總共賠款二六九三億金馬克。一九二一年初德國表示每年最多支付十五億金馬克,其中債券、實物和勞力各占三分之一,而且必須以德國繼續佔有上西裏西亞和恢復對外貿易為條件,雙方皆有不同的盤算與爭論。
一九二一年三月八日,協約國以德國不履行和約為名,出兵占領了德國的杜塞爾多夫、魯羅特和杜伊斯堡三城(同年九月卅日撤軍)。四月廿日德國政府請求美國出面調停未獲結果。五月五日協約國倫敦會議決定德國賠款總額為一三二0億金馬克。協約國以佔有德國最重要的工業區魯爾為要挾,德國被迫接受。至八月卅一日德國支付了十億金馬克年度賠款,引起德國馬克爆跌。十二月中德國請求賠款委員會准許延期付款。德國外長拉特瑞前往倫敦交涉,英國怕德國經濟惡化不利於英國工業品的輸出,同意德國放緩支付賠款,但法國卻堅決反對。一九二二年一月協約國舉行坎內會議,在英國首相勞合喬治建議下,拉特瑞以德國代表身分與會,會上法國仍不肯多做妥協。且法國波因卡瑞政府上台後,態度更為強硬。四月召開的熱那亞會議也由於法國的反對而失敗。五月在巴黎召開國際銀行家會議,會議中反映了英美觀點,以為賠款問題應配合現實的經濟情況。對此法國也加以拒絕。八月英國外相貝爾福發表「貝爾福備忘錄」,主張減少英國對美戰債的同時,減輕德國的賠款(兩者均減四分之三)法國又表示反對。在德國賠款問題上英法分歧嚴重。在賠款委員會中,法國要求德國在賠款問題上提出「生產的擔保」,把萊茵地區的進口貿易、染料工業的資本交出作為擔保。英國對法國的主張不予置理。賠款問題在一九二一年的「倫敦預定表」(London Schedule)中,是協約國為顧及面子而草擬的計劃與預定表。一九二二年下半年,從德國總理拉特瑞被暗殺後,德國經濟困窘,政局動盪。新上任的德國古諾政府提出延期三至四年支付賠款,並且要求確定賠款總額。
一九二三年一月英國新任首相波納勞和法國總理波因卡瑞在巴黎會面,英法在德國賠款問題上的分歧仍不能解決,談判破裂。法、比軍隊入侵魯爾,德國採取「消極抵抗」政策抵制,魯爾佔領除導致德國貨幣貶值,財政金融混亂外,德國各地罷工與革命事件也層出不窮,除了法郎貶值,連帶一場歐洲經濟的風暴一觸即發。
八月德國史特拉斯曼政府成立,他停止「消極扺抗」,尋求「魯爾危機」的解決。在美國的調停之下,一九二四年道茲計劃的提出和執行,使德國賠款問題起了變化。一九二四至一九二九年,德國共支付賠款二五五億馬克,一時使賠款問題出現可以順利解決的跡象 。然因道茲計劃內在的問題及執行面的錯誤,不得不提出一九二九年楊格計劃,此新修正的計劃也被賦予極高的期待,然而一九二九年世界經濟危機發生後,德國於一九三一年無力支付賠款。六月十二日美國總統胡佛提出緩債宣言,建議各國問債務、賠款本利停付一年。八月十一日,根據胡佛計劃,美、英、法、比、義德等國在倫敦達成一項協議,其中計劃一年期限內德國賠款延付辦法訂出規定。
胡佛計劃期滿後,一九三二年六月十五日召開洛桑會議。德國代表要求就德國賠款同題作出最後解決,法國要求德國支付五十億馬克。英國要求四十億馬克,德國只答應再付二十億馬克。經過妥協,決定德國最後賠款額為三十億馬克,在停付三年後,將於卅七年內還清,但實際上,德國後來並未再繳付賠款。洛桑會議取消了凡爾賽和約關於德國的賠款義務,德國賠款問題亦不了了之。
本論文將分八章來討論此主題。
第一章說明研究動機、研究回顧與研究方法及範圍。
第二章探討「德國賠款問題」的緣起,德國賠款之所以成為問題,從美國參戰宣示其戰爭的目標,「不要求賠款」的原則與發佈「十四點宣言」時,即已經伏下此問題的變數。「德國賠款問題」在協約國協商停戰條款時,即常產生衝突不斷,使停戰協定瀕臨失敗。由於協約國不同的國家利益,故在賠款、戰費、撫卹金的討論上,因解讀的不同引起許多的爭議。日後只訂定賠款條款的原則,卻沒有決定賠款的總數與分配的比例,伏下未來賠款問題的難解因數。
第三章則討論協約國對賠款之總額與分配方式之爭議與立場。在相關「德國賠款問題」的國際會議中,顯示協約國不同的國家利益與各國不同的立場,以及各國首相、總理的個人主觀意識,而在執行過程中德國為充分履約,因此產生魯爾危機。
第四章則討論危機變成轉機。在美國介入的情況下,成立兩組專家委員會草擬對策,在各國取得共識之下,道茲計劃的產生,使賠款問題的解決似乎有了新的契機,在本章中也討論道茲計劃的運作所產生的得與失,牽動各國。
第五章,首先討論楊格計劃形成的背景及原因,接著討論楊格計劃制定的過程,及其修正對各國所造成的衝擊,最後則探討楊格計劃所產生的影響。
第六章主要敘述經濟大恐慌的來臨造成各國經濟的崩潰,並說明德、奧兩國為了解決經濟問題提議建立經濟同盟,但因法國的反對而作罷。由於各國經濟持續的敗壞,美國胡佛總統發表緩付宣言,各國雖反應不一,但仍接受其提議,但之後因各國經濟未恢復及德國否認賠款,且未再繳付賠款,讓困擾二○年代的賠款問題終於不了了之。
最後一章主要歸納分析德國賠款問題的主要爭論點,及其所延伸的對歐洲與對世界的影響。
Reparation was proposed during the prearmistic period. It was the payments which required Germany to pay for restoring all the damage of the war Reparation was included in the Treaty of Versailles. To the victors, it seemed fair. Germany had caused – and in Clause 231 had accepted the blame for– the war. Accordingly, German should pay for the damage. In addition, to fight the war, the French and British had borrowed money from United States which they would be repaying for a long time. Why shouldn’t Germany pay out too? The first problem, however, was that it was very difficult to work out the cost of the damage resulted from the war. France wanted a very high figure. Compared with France, Wilson and Lloyd George wanted less.
The first problem was to work out how much. The figure was changed many times during 1919–1921. Eventually, in April 1921, The Reparations Commission agreed on a sum of 1320 Gold Marks (£6.6 billion, US$33 billion). The people of Germany were outraged by such a great sum. Nationalist politicians such as Adolf Hitler and Alfred Hugenberg claimed that if they were endowed power they would reject to pay the reparations. The British economist, John Maynard Keynes, wrote a book “The Consequences of the Peace” where he claimed that this reparation program would not only destroy the German economy but also would damage the financial recovery of other nations in Europe.
In July of 1922, there was an economic crisis, and Germany was granted a six-month delay in payments. Reparations ruined Germany’s economy. When Germany failed to make its January 1923 payment, French and Belgium troops invaded the Ruhr, and began to take in kind what they were owed. German miners in the Ruhr refused to work for French and Belgium went on strike, which created hyperinflation. German began to fall apart, and there were revolutions in the Rhineland and (led by Adolf Hitler) in Bavaria. In the meantime, because Britain and France weren’t getting German reparation payments, they defaulted on their loans to America. Germany was falling apart, and the Allies realized that they would have to do something. In April of 1924, an American banker called Charles Dawes submitted the Dawes Plan to the Reparations Commission of the Allied nations. It was accepted the same year by Germany and the Allies. The Dawes committee consisted of ten representatives, two each from Belgium, France, Great Britain, Italy, and the United States; it was entrusted with finding a solution for the collection of the German reparations debt, set at almost 20 billion marks. Germany had been lagging in payment of this obligation, and the Dawes Plan provided that the Allied occupation troops had to evacuate from the Ruhr area, that reparation payment should begin at 1 billion marks for the first year and should rise over a period of four years to 2.5 billion marks per year, that the German Reichsbank should be reorganized under Allied supervision, and that the sources for the reparation money should include transportation, excise, and custom taxes. The plan went into effect in Sept. of 1924. Although German business picked up and reparation payments were made promptly, it became obvious that Germany could not long continue those huge annual payments. which gave Germany longer to pay and gave Germany an 800 million mark. Loan made its economy go on.
For five years, this worked well, whereas in 1929, the Depression started. The Wall Street Crash led to problems for the German economy and so a new commission under another banker, Owen Young, was set up to consider reparations in 1929.
Young''s report suggested that the total amount of reparations should be reduced by approximately three-quarters and that Germany should make annual payments on a sliding-scale up to 1988. The Young Plan was accepted by all the governments concerned but it was severely criticized in Germany by right-wing politicians. The President of the Reichsbank, Hjalmar Schacht, also disagreed with the plan and resigned from office.
Finally, as the economic crisis got worse, and Germany fell into chaos, at Lausanne in July of 1932, the Allies agreed to suspend all reparations indefinitely (it was too little, too late; and it still didn’t stop Germany turning Nazi).
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三 期刊
(一)中文
王宏波,〈一戰後美國在德國賠款問題上的政策演變〉,《中國青年政治學院學報》,第22卷第2期(2003年3月),頁69-74。
王宏波,〈從道威斯計劃看20世紀20年代美國經濟外交〉,《首都師範大學學報》(社會科學版),2002年第3期(2002年5月),頁107-112。
王維克,〈20年代德國賠款問題與國際關係〉,《烏魯木齊成人教育學院學報》(綜合版),1999年第2期(1999年6月),頁30-34。
何世華,〈試論資本主義相對穩定時期德國經濟發展的原因及特點〉,《松遼學刊》(哲學社會科學版),2000年第2期(2000年4月),頁41-45。
吳惠敏,〈淺析《道威斯計劃》制定的原因〉,《雲南教育學院學報》,第12卷第4期(1996年8月),頁35-38。
肖德芳,〈德國賠款問題與20年代英國歐洲外交政策的演變〉,《宣賓師範高等專科學校學報》,1999年第1期(1999年3月),頁7-10。
肖德芳,〈德國賠款問題與20年代歐洲政治格局的演變〉,《歷史教學問題》,2000年第4期(2000年7月),頁32-35。
姜元奎、張齊政,〈魯爾事件與法國外交政策的失敗〉,《衡陽師專學報》,1994年第3期(1994年5月),頁45-50。
孫月華,〈一戰後英法美在德國賠款問題上的矛盾和鬥爭〉,《泰安師專學報》,第21卷第4期(1999年7月),頁68-72。
張 濤,〈1923年魯爾事件與歐洲格局巨變〉,《武漢大學學報》(人文科學版),第54卷第3期(2001年5月),頁317-324。
郭秋慶,〈享譽俾斯麥第二的政治家—史翠舍曼〉,《歷史月刊》,第10期(1988年11月),頁。
馮春龍、隋雪麗,〈論一戰後的德國賠款問題〉,《青島大學師範學院學報》,第15卷第3期(1998年9月),頁21-24。
韓 莉,〈評巴黎和會上的美國對德政策〉,《歷史教學》,2003年第1期(2003年1月),頁51-54。
韓 莉,〈競爭與妥協:巴黎和會上的美英關係〉,《外交學院學報》,2003年第1期(2003年1月),頁49-54。
謬 軍,〈從「殺鵝取卵」到「養雞下蛋」――道威斯計劃述評――〉,《固原師專學報》(社會科學),1997年第5期(1997年11月),頁61-63。
羅會鈞,〈兩次大戰之間法國謀求安全嘗試的外交失策〉,《湖南師範大學社會科學學報》,1996年第6期(1996年11月),頁96-101。
三 碩士論文
王文霞,「威瑪共和失敗之探討(1919-1933)」,台北:私立輔大歷史學研究所碩士論文,1978年。
高文怡,「一九二○年代斯特拉斯曼外交政策」,台北:私立輔大歷史學研究所碩士論文,1982年。
莊榮輝,「德蘇拉帕羅外交之演變 1922-1933」,台北:私立輔大歷史學研究所碩士論文,1989年。
劉蓮恩,「從凡爾賽到羅加諾:威瑪初期外交政策之轉折」台北:私立輔大歷史研究所碩士論文,1999年。
鄧文龍,「德國賠款問題(1919-1934)」,台北:私立輔大歷史研究所碩士論文,1986年。
蕭敏君,「一九二五年羅加諾公約之研究」,台北:私立文化大學政治研究所碩士論文,1986年。
邱惠淑撰,「戰間期德蘇關係之演變1919~1939」,台北:輔仁大學歷史研究所碩士論文,1979年。
四、參考網頁
http://www.cmi.hku.hk/material/Workshet/Pri_material/Pri_Material.htm
http://www.colby.edu/personal/r/rmscheck/GermanyD4.html
http://www.ecommcode.com/hoover/hooveronline/text/57.html
http://www.gcaa.org.tw/env_news/199910/88101505.htm
http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/weimar_depression_1929.htm
http://www.indiana.edu/~league/1921.htm
http://www.kdhs.org.uk/history/as/as_unit2/dawes.htm
http://www.kdhs.org.uk/history/as/as_unit2/fp.htm
http://www.kdhs.org.uk/history/as/as_unit2/young.htm
http://www.pep.com.cn/200212/ca29145.htm
http://res3.pudong-edu.sh.cn/Resource/Book/Edu/JXCKS/TS009006/0033_ts009006.htm
http://www.millionbook.net/lszl/q/qiujier/decs/1/003.htm http://www.zum.de/whkmla/region/france/france19181929for.html
 
 
 
 
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