周恩來與彭真皆是中共黨史上重要的領導人。關於兩人之間政治關係的演變問題，迄今缺乏專門的學術研究。周恩來與彭真在中共建政以前互動不多，甚至在延安整風中有一些不愉快的經驗。然而，從中共建政至「文革」爆發以前，雙方關係發展大體平順，不受先前不快的影響。值得注意的是，1958年毛澤東下令中央書記處管控國務院的工作後，周恩來、彭真之間的政治關係出現了微妙的發展：周恩來一方面仍以黨內上級的身分領導彭真；另一方面，周擔任政府總理的工作，又要受制於中央書記處的指揮（彭真是書記處的第二號人物）。在周恩來、彭真兩人具體的互動過程中，周恩來不以資深先進自居，對彭真不但沒有等閒視之，有時還會表現出一種欣賞和謙讓的姿態。這主要肇因於：彭真獲得中央層峰的重用和在上層領導的活躍（固定出席政治局常委會議和主持書記處的常務工作）；彭真表現出來的政治堅定和「政治正確」（在經濟調整時期中，其主張與毛澤東多有雷同和合拍）；彭真工作認真，以助手之姿盡力配合周恩來處理黨國日常事務，為後者分憂解勞。在「文革」前夕，雙方已有良好的互動與信任。周恩來甚至曾提議由彭真接任其政協主席一職。然而，看似不錯的周彭關係，在毛澤東決定批判、清洗彭真後，即驟然中止。周恩來在毛明確表態後，也加入了批鬥彭真的行列。在「文革」期間，周恩來雖力能所及地減緩彭真在人身安全上所受的磨難，但在後者應否復出政壇、恢復工作的問題上，則表現得不甚積極。本文有助觀察中共早期的政治運作情形（特別是在所謂的中央「一線」內）和複雜的高層人事關係。

Zhou Enlai and Peng Zhen were both very important political figures in the history of the Chinese Communist Party. Before the founding of the People's Republic of China, Zhou and Peng did not have very pleasant political interactions. During the Rectification Movement in mid-1940s, Zhou was harshly criticized. Peng was one of the most active campaigners, and deeply involved in the struggle meetings targeted at Zhou. In spite of this negative experience in interaction, the relationship between Zhou and Peng developed smoothly from 1949 to the eve of the eruption of the Cultural Revolution. During which, Zhou mainly acted as premier of the government while Peng mainly served as the No. 2 leader of the Party Central Secretariat in charge of the Party's daily works on behalf of the Party Center from 1956. The first reason that Zhou valued Peng is that the latter was in Mao Zedong's good graces, and was entrusted by him to play a very crucial political role in elite politics and to handle the daily affairs of the Party Center. Secondly, in sharp contrast to Zhou and other Party leaders within the so-called First Front leadership, in early 1960s, Peng and Mao had shared considerable consensus over the issues regarding the policies of economic adjustment after the disastrous Great Leap Forward. To Zhou, Peng's related political performance was very impressive. Thirdly, Zhou appreciated that Peng devoted himself to doing his best to support Zhou to run the Party-state. They not only cooperated well but also created much mutual respect and trust during the above political operations and interactions. On no account can the reality be ignored that Mao was the most crucial factor affecting the relationship between Zhou and Peng. When Peng gradually lost his graces from Mao, and the Supreme Leader expressed his dissatisfaction with Peng much more explicitly, Zhou had no choice but give up his political support toward Peng during the unfolding of the Cultural Revolution. Although Zhou once tried to ease Peng's sufferings after his political purge, he did not seem to be active in his support of Peng to return to the political stage during the turbulent campaign.