上古漢語的特指疑問句裡，疑問代詞賓語通常必須置於動詞或介詞之前，以及主語之後，如：「吾誰欺？欺天乎？（《論語．子罕》）」「百姓不足，君孰與足？（《論語．顏淵》）」前人（如王力〔1980/2004〕、馮利〔1994〕）多從歷史演變的角度出發，將這個現象視為原始漢語的殘留。本文則試圖站在共時平面的立場，直接分析其句法成因。本文依循「優選理論」（The Optimality Theory），設置「OPSPEC＞＞ STAY = OB- HD = PRE- STRAND ＞＞ CASE-AD(PRO) ＞＞ CASE-AD(WH)」這組制約與排序。其中， OP- SPEC、STAY、OB- HD這三條制約，格倫索（Jane Grimshaw, 1997）與崔海英（2010）曾分別用來分析英語與現代漢語的特指疑問句；CASE-AD(WH)、CASE-AD(PRO)，是我們根據格位理論（Case Theory）的「格位指派」（Case-assigner）與「鄰接條件」（Case Adjacency）所設的制約；PRE- STRAND則是依照魏培泉（Pei-Chuan Wei, 1999）提到的「介詞遺留」（preposition stranding）而設。運用這組制約，本文解釋了疑問代詞賓語在句中的位置如何形成的問題，並透過實際研究，展現了優選理論在句法分析上的靈活性與便利性。

In Old Chinese, wh-words are usually put before verbs or prepositions and after subjects in wh-questions, such as ＂Wú shuí qī? Qī tiān hū? (Lùn Yǔ ＂Zǐ Hǎn＂)＂ and ＂Bǎi xìng bù zú, jūn shú yǔ zú ? (Lùn Yǔ ＂Yán Yuan＂)＂. Previous researches (Wáng Lì, 1980/2004; Féng Lì, 1994) regarded the phenomenon as the remains of primitive Chinese from the diachronic evolution viewpoint. Instead, we attemptto directly analyze the formation of syntax from the synchronic perspective. According to the Optimality Theory, we set up a group of conditions and the sequence is: OP- SPEC ＞＞ STAY = OB- HD = PRE- STRAND ＞＞ CASE-AD (PRO) ＞＞ CASE-AD(WH). Grimshaw (1997) and Cuī Hǎi Yīng (2010) had respectively used OP-SPEC, STAY and OB- HD to analyze wh-questions in English and modern Chinese, and we set up CASE-AD(WH) and CASE-AD (PRO) based on Case-assigner and Case Adjacency in Case Theory. As for PRE- STRAND, we set it up in accordance with preposition stranding proposed by Pei-Chuan Wei (1999). We use the group of conditions to explain arrangement of wh-words and to show the flexibility and convenience of Optimality Theory for syntax analysis.