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題名：漢語驚嘆句—句法與語義介面
作者：楊謦瑜
作者(外文)：Yang, Ching-Yu
校院名稱：國立清華大學
系所名稱：語言學研究所
指導教授：蔡維天
學位類別：博士
出版日期：2017
主題關鍵詞：驚嘆句；句法-語義介面；極高程度；表達念力；製圖理論；漢語；exclamatives；syntax-semantics interface；extraordinary degrees；illocutionary force of exclamation；cartography；Mandarin Chinese
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驚嘆句(exclamatives)用於表達說話者對一個極高程度感到驚訝，在英語、義大利語、加泰隆尼亞語中，驚嘆句往往帶有特殊的標記或是句構，這些句法特徵與語義詮釋，引起了許多研究者的興趣(Elliot 1974; Gutierrez-Rexach 1996; Zanuttini and Portner 2003; Rett 2011)；然而，漢語驚嘆句沒有這樣清楚標記，從理論角度切入的文獻不多(Badan and Chen 2015)，但了解漢語這樣的語言如何表達驚嘆義，其實更為重要。本文旨在界定漢語驚嘆句的種類，並從中研究驚嘆句的核心語義成份為何，如何組合成驚嘆義，以及這些核心語義如何映射到句法結構。
本文透過前人提出的準則，界定出漢語有四類驚嘆句子(clausal exclamatives)以及四類驚嘆名詞組(nominal exclamatives)，當中必要成分有句末助詞帶輕聲的「啊」(「啊輕聲」)以及一些特殊的程度副詞，包含：「多麼」、「多少」、「好」、「這麼」(驚嘆副詞)。漢語的這二個必備成份，支持驚嘆句需有以下二個語義：驚嘆念力(illocutionary force of exclamation) (Gutierrez-Rexach 1996; Rett 2011)以及極高程度(Castroviejo 2006; Rett 2011)。
本文進一步主張漢語驚嘆義由三個核心語義組成：一、表達言語行為(the speech act of expressives)；二、說話者驚訝的態度，由句末助詞「啊輕聲」所貢獻；三、極高程度，由驚嘆副詞提供。我採用製圖理論的架構(cartographic approach)(Rizzi 1997; Cinque 1999; Tsai 2010, 2015a)，提出這三個語義在句法結構上皆有相對應的投射：表達言語行為映射至言語行為詞組(Speech-ActP)；說話者驚訝的態度，映射至態度詞組(AttitudeP)；極高程度則映射至極高程度詞組(Extraordinary-degreeP)，「啊輕聲」位於態度詞組中心語，驚嘆副詞則位在詞彙詞(lexical layer)中的程度詞組(DegreeP)。當中，極高程度詞組帶有一個不可解讀特徵(uninterpretable feature)[E-deg]必須被認可(check)，認可的方式依據驚嘆副詞的種類而有所不同。「多麼」和「多少」本身帶有一個可解讀特徵(interpretable feature) [E-deg]，隱性移位到極高程度詞組的定語位置(specifier)認可不可解讀特徵[E-deg]。「好」和「這麼」本身是程度變項，質由連帶出現的隱性成份指派，而且這兩個隱性成份帶有[E-deg]特徵，也能認可極高程度詞組的不可解讀特徵。這些不同的依存關係(dependency)可以由量化詞、焦點副詞與不同類型驚嘆句子的互動得到驗證。
此分析也能解釋驚嘆名詞組，本文提出驚嘆名詞組與驚嘆句子有相同的左緣結構，驚嘆副詞認可極高程度詞組的不可解讀特徵[E-deg]的方式也相同，這提供了句子(CP)與名詞組(DP)具有高度平行性的另一個佐證(Bernstein 1997, 2001; Aboh 2004)。
漢語是分析性的語言，因此驚嘆義是由幾個語義成分構成，某個語義成分的出現與否會造成整體語義的不同，例如，若極高程度詞組未出現於結構中，整體句構則解讀為感嘆句(sentence exclamation)，表達說話者對整個命題感到驚訝，而句法上極高程度詞組與下方驚嘆副詞的依存關係也不需建構，這可由量化詞與感嘆句的互動可得到證實。製圖理論能很清楚透明地呈現漢語驚嘆句的句法與語義一對一的關係，也展現了漢語分析性的語言特色。希望透過研究漢語這種語言類型的驚嘆句，本文能提供一個新的切入點，對了解整體驚嘆句的句法和語義有所貢獻。
Cross-linguistically, exclamatives are conventionally used to express the speaker’s surprise to extraordinary degrees of the property in question. Previous analyses (Elliot 1974; Gutierrez-Rexach 1996; Zanuttini and Portner 2003; Rett 2011; a.o.) focus on the semantics and syntax of exclamatives in languages with clear morpho-syntactic markers, such as English, Italian and Catalan. This thesis is devoted to investigate how exclamativity is expressed by a language without clear markings on exclamativity, like Mandarin (Badan and Cheng 2015). There three purposes in the thesis: (i) to identify the types of Mandarin exclamatives; (ii) to compose the meaning of exclamatives by the core semantic components; (iii) to map these semantic components onto the syntax of exclamatives, under the cartographic approach (Rizzi 1997; Cinque 1999; Tsai 2010, 2015a).
I propose that Mandarin has four types of clausal exclamatives and four types of nominal exclamatives, which are testified by the criteria proposed in the previous studies. The necessary components of Mandarin exclamatives are the sentence final particle a with the neutral tone (i.e., a0), and special degree adverbs, including duome ‘how’, duoshao ‘how many’, hao ‘so’, and zheme ‘this’ (i.e., E-related adverbs). Their obligatory occurrence crucially provides evidence for the approach that exclamatives have an independent illocutionary force (Gutierrez-Rexach 1996; Rett 2011) and a degree interpretations (Castroviejo 2006; Rett 2011).
Based on Rett (2011), I further argue that Mandarin exclamatives are composed of the speech act of expressives, the surprise of the speaker, which is denoted by a0, and the sense of extraordinary degrees. Under the cartographic approach, I propose that in the left periphery there are correspondent syntactic projections for these core semantic components. The speech act of expressives is mapped to Speech-ActP; the surprise of the speaker is mapped to AttP, which has a0 as the head; the sense of extraordinary degrees is mapped to E-degP with an uninterpretable feature [E-deg] (Delfitto and Fiorin 2014), which is checked off by the E-related adverbs. Duome and duoshao are endowed with the interpretable feature [E-deg] and covertly move to E-degP to check the uninterpretable feature. Hao and zheme are degree variables occurring with a silent speaker-oriented element with [E-deg], which can thereby check the uninterpretable feature. These different dependencies are supported by the interactions between scope-bearing elements and different types of exclamatives.
Finally, I extend the analysis of clausal exclamatives to nominal exclamatives, arguing that they have the same functional projections in the left periphery and the uninterpretable feature [E-deg] is checked by the E-related adverbs in the same way. This analysis provides another piece of evidence for parallels between CP and DP in the left periphery.
Due to the analyticity of Mandarin, the exclamative reading results from the composition of several core components; thus, the occurrence and absence of any components leads to different meaning. For example, without E-degP, the structure can only have the interpretation of sentence exclamations, expressing the speaker’s surprise to the whole proposition (Rett 2011). Syntactically, there is no dependency of E-degP and E-related adverbs, which is empirically reflected by the different interactions of scope-bearing elements and sentence exclamations. This transparent mapping of syntax and semantics and the high analyticity of Mandarin can be clearly presented under the cartographic approach. Hopefully, the characteristics of Mandarin exclamatives can help us to have a better understanding of the interface of syntax and semantics of exclamatives.
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