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題名：比較句刪略：國台語對比研究
作者：蘇政傑
校院名稱：國立清華大學
系所名稱：語言學研究所
指導教授：蔡維天
學位類別：博士
出版日期：2011
主題關鍵詞：比較句；比較句刪略；子句型比較句；國語；台語；comparative construction；Comparative Deletion；clausal comparative；Chinese；Taiwanese Southern Min
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本文主要是從生成語法的角度，探討國語、台灣閩南語中比較句與比較句刪略的現象。
在前人的基礎上，我們主張國語中的比字比較句是子句型比較句。基於其句法表現，“比”可以視為一種具有介詞特性的補語連詞，並投射出一個完整的子句。“比”的功能在於引介比較的對象。句式中的形容詞會投射其程度詞組，“比”所引介的子句加接至程度詞組的指示語位置，藉以滿足與限制形容詞的程度論元。在“比”所引介的子句中，牽涉刪略的成分具有形容詞詞組或動詞詞組的語法屬性。雖然本文提出的刪略現象違反了比較句刪略範域原則 (Lechner 2001)，但是可以透過刪略給予條件 (Merchant 2001) 加以解釋。從理論語法的角度而言，我們提出了兩個具體的限制。一是針對比較項的限制，二是針對比較謂語的限制。不同於其他的副詞，狀態副詞之所以無法成為比較項，導因於其嚴格的分佈限制。透過相關的語料考察與邏輯辯證，我們認為比字比較句是子句型比較句的說法具有一定的說服力。
本文調查並研究了三類台灣閩南語中的比較句，分別是“阿明懸阿嬌三公分”、“阿明懸過阿嬌”、以及“阿明較懸阿嬌”。透過詞彙分解的假設，我們主張這三種句式可以藉由以下的句法層級解釋：vP1>vP2>DegP>AP。其中 vP1 與vP2分別是由輕動詞COMPAREE以及STANDARD所投射。這三種句式主要是藉由測量詞組、程度補語、以及程度副詞加以滿足與限制形容詞的程度論元。透過比較特徵查核的機制，我們一方面可以說明比字所引介的子句、測量詞組、程度補語、以及程度副詞的句法地位，另一方面可以解釋何以這些句子具有比較句的解讀。跨語言類型顯示，漢語比字比較句具有助詞型比較句的特徵，而台灣閩南語的比較句則是屬於超越型比較句。方言類型顯示，超越型比較句主要分佈於南方方言，而比字比較句則是分佈於北方。
透過本文的分析，我們也討論了次要比較句、包蘊標準、賓語前置比較句以及比較句刪略等議題。漢語不允許次要比較句，主要是由於比字比較句中的兩個比較謂語必須一致。由於比字所引介的子句當中，其程度運符不具有顯性移位的特質，以致於漢語缺乏包蘊標準。賓語前置比較句與心理動詞“喜歡”的特殊性有關，同時賓語前置比較句不適用於子句比較句的分析，本質上也不具備動詞空缺的性質。藉由先前的論述，我們進一步主張比字比較句具體呈現了比較句刪略。
最後，我們探索了比較句的歷史發展。比較標記“比”由動詞“比”演變而來。以生成語法為本的歷時研究來看，比字比較句經歷了多重的結構重整與重新分析。透過相關的文獻考察，我們認為比較標記“並”可能是泉州方言獨自發展出來的用法。一方面由於“X + A + 過 + Y”在文獻上的分佈過少，另一方面由於“過”作為動詞的情況仍然常見，因此難以將“過”視為比較標記。我們同時從語言接觸的視角介紹了此句式的來由。
本文嘗試對國語和台灣閩南語的比較句做出深入的描述與解釋。期望研究成果能對生成語法、類型學、以及歷史語言學的研究提供新的啟示。
The purpose of this study is to conduct a contrastive study of comparative constructions in Chinese and in Taiwanese Southern Min. It aims to see how it can contribute to the understanding of comparative constructions on the one hand, and to see how the characterization of Comparative Deletion in Chinese within the framework of generative syntax on the other.
On the strength of the insights stemmed from previous studies, the study argues for a clausal-manipulation of bi-comparatives. It is assumed that bi plays a role reminiscent of a prepositional complementizer projecting a self-completed CP, which is a preverbal adjunct in the wake of Liu (1996). The adjunction of bi-clause fulfills the role to saturating and restricting the degree argument of the adjective. The degree variable inside the bi-clause (comparative clause) is under operator movement to provide a description of degree (Chomsky 1977). The adjectival or verbal constituent within the bi-clause is deleted (Bresnan 1973, 1975). A constraint on the compared constituent as well as one on the comparison predicate is offered. A manner adjunct can not be a compared constituent, in that it does not pattern alike with other adverbials in the distribution, and it must occur after the bi-clause. It is suggested that such an instantiation is highly explanatory for a variety of linguistic facts in bi-comparatives, along with alternatives on other grounds that could possibly pose problems.
Through examining the characteristics of the exceed comparatives, viz., the surface word order of comparatives is X A Y in Taiwanese Southern Min, it is assumed that the construction be captured by a hierarchy of projection, vP1>vP2>DegP>AP, where vP1 is projected by a light verb COMPAREE and vP2 STANDARD under the lexical decomposition analysis (Hale & Keyser 1993; Huang 1997; Lin 2001). To saturate and restrict the degree argument of the adjective in the exceed comparative, the occurrence of the measure phrase, degree complement, degree adverb koe ‘exceed’ and khah ‘KHAH’ is motivated. The theoretical significance of our unifying analysis is that we make comparatives, non-contextual sensitive degree adverbs, measure phrases/degree complements pattern together in restricting the degree argument of an adjective in syntax (von Stechow 1984; Kennedy & McNally 2005; Liu 2007ab).
Issues such as subcomparison, embedded standard, the object-preposed comparative are also included in the discussion. The subcomparison is prohibited because of an identity requirement on the comparison predicate in Chinese bi-comparatives. The comparative operator in the bi-comparative can not undergo overt movement, thereby resulting in the absence of the embedded standard in Chinese. The occurrence of the object-preposed comparative is greatly owing to the idiosyncratic properties of the verb xihuan ‘like’. The object-preposed comparative is not subject to a clausal analysis, not a gapping in essence either. Comparative Deletion in the bi-comparatives is explored and emphasized in order. It is shown that Comparative Deletion applies to the bi-comparatives in Chinese, but does not to the exceed comparatives in Taiwanese Southern Min.
A diachronic study of comparative constructions in Chinese is presented. As a full-fledged verb, bi has developed into a comparative marker through syntactic restructuring and reanalysis. The comparative marker bing is argued to be a result of a dialectal self-development of Min, especially in Quanzhou. Some notes on the origin of X + A + guo + Y are offered, combined with considerations in an areal perspective.
The study attempts to propose an in-depth analysis of comparative constructions in Chinese and Taiwanese Southern Min in the hope that it will shed light on comparative constructions in the generative grammar, linguistic typology and historical linguistics.
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