本文主要探討分配量化在鄒語的語法裡如何呈現，以及如何與複數標記和重疊現象互動。在分布和句法限制上，鄒語的分配數量詞表現得比較像是英語副詞性的each而不像限定詞性的each。因此，鄒語的分配數量詞只能出現在助動詞之後、主動詞之前的位置，而且必須搭配複數的代詞和名詞組。然而，鄒語的分配量化有三大特色：（一）通常有焦點變化，因此詞類應該是動詞；（二）所搭配的名詞組只有屬人和表各式各樣的物體才會有顯形的複數標記；（三）量化對象相當受侷限－acuhu和acuh‘all’才能量化主語，但是其黏著形式-cucuhu和-cucuha卻只能量化受事者，ianan’ou和ianan’ ova ‘indivudually/separately’則只能量化主事者。另外，重疊都會產生複數的意義，但並非都會產生量化意義：單純的名詞重疊只有複數意義，沒有量化的意義，但如果再加前綴ma-則衍生各式各樣物體或分配量化的意義；數詞的重疊加前綴ma-則相當一致地衍生分配量化的意義；疑問詞的重疊則一般都會涉及存在量化。

This paper investigates the grammar of distributive quantification in Tsou and its interactions with plural markings and reduplication. As far as distribution and syntactic restriction are concerned, Tsou distributive quantifiers behave more like the English adverbial each rather than the determiner-like each-they must follow the auxiliary and precede the main verb and they must co-occur with plural pronouns and noun phrases. However, they differ from the adverbial each in three aspectsL1) they are normally inflected for focus and should thus be identified as verbs; (2) they only trigger the overt plural markings of human noun phrases and the noun phrases denoting entities of various kinds; (3) they are restrictive in the selection of their quantifies --acuhu and acuh ‘all’ only quantify over the subjects and their bound counterparts - cucuhu and -cucuha can only refer to patients while ianan’ou and ianan’ova ‘individually/ separately’ are sensitive to Actors. Reduplication invariably gives rise to plurality, but does not always bring about quantification: nominal reduplication simply yields plurality and nominal reduplication plus the prefix ma- derive the extra meaning of various kinds or distributive quantification; numeral reduplication plus the prefix ma- uniformly creates distributive quantification; wh-word reduplication plus the prefix ma- generally involves existential quantification.