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題名:The Price of Orthodoxy: Issues of Legitimacy in the Later Liang and Later Tang
書刊名:臺大歷史學報
作者:方震華 引用關係
作者(外文):Fang, Cheng-hua
出版日期:2005
卷期:35
頁次:頁55-84
主題關鍵詞:The Five Dynasties periodThe Later LiangThe Later TangLegitimacyOrthodoxyZhu WenLi CunxuHeavenly mandateBureaucracy五代後唐後梁合理化正統朱溫李存勗天命官僚政府
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五代前期的後梁和後唐淵源於朱溫與李克用在唐末所建立的藩鎮政權,他們利用唐室衰微的時機,憑藉強大軍力不斷擴張,進而建立新的中央政府。依靠武力崛起的地方勢力在試圖轉變為中央政權時,其領導人勢必面臨合理化的問題,須解釋自己為何擁有「天命」而登基。後梁的朱溫希望透過禪讓與郊天儀式,證明自己是天命所歸;後唐的李存勗則以李唐王室的繼承人自居,宣稱唐室中興。不論採取何種方式,這些戎馬出身的領導人都必須要與文士合作,重視禮樂儀式,重建官僚體系。於是,他們原本全以軍事為中心的政權發生改變,也間接造成這些武人統治者的文儒化。 由於這些戎馬出身的統治者接觸文藝知識的時問甚短,對於儒學的理解有限,導致他們過度期待「正統」所能帶來的政治利益。從現實層面而言,儀式的進行須耗費大量金錢與人力,卻無助於政治和軍事問題的根本解決。當朱溫專注於禪讓儀式時,李克用父子得到重整旗鼓的機會;後梁末帝重視文治,卻缺乏統兵的能力,終為李存勗所滅。李存勗在滅梁後暫停軍事擴張,致力模仿唐代皇帝的形象,希望以唐室重建為宣傳,威服南方的獨立王國;執掌大權的郭崇韜則努力重建由世族領導的文人政府,而這兩點都成為其政權快速衰亡的原因。 李嗣源取代李存品的王位,不再追求建立王朝的正統性,而致力於保境安民,這種重視現實的政策反而能達成較長的穩定與和平。這個轉變也成為五代歷史上的一個分水嶺。
After the decline of the Tang imperial authority in the late ninth century, a number of local warlords competed to erect autonomous regimes by force, gradually establishing their own dynasties. The first two dynasties after the end of the Tang, the Later Liang and the Later Tang, grew out of the rival regimes established by Zhu Wen and Li Keyong. 80th Zhu and Li were bellicose generals, but who increasingly came to realize the importance of legitimacy in the process of building their national regimes. To legitimize his power, Zhu Wen claimed that the Tang orthodox authority had been transmitted to him. In contrast, Li Keyong and his son legitimized their fight against Zhu by claiming that they carried the standard of Tang restoration. Although adopting different approaches, both two military-oriented regimes turned to civil issues, such as organizing the bureaucracy and performing rituals. From a cultural perspective, the political leaders’ interest in civil affairs preserved and promoted Confucian tradition under violent conditions. Their claims to orthodoxy before they effectively controlled all of China, however, retarded the military actions of these two regimes, because the attention of their rulers was diverted from the battlefield to civil affairs. This article will analyze the relationship between military expansion and the management of legitimation in both the Later Liang and the Later Tang. The short lives of the Later Liang and the Later Tang, I argue, are partly attributable to their emperors' efforts at legitimation. Military might rather than the appearance of orthodox dynastic practice was crucial to the fortunes of these two dynasties, but the emperors seemed to overemphasize the latter over the former.
期刊論文
1.堀敏一(1960)。朱全忠政權の性格。駿台史學,11,44-46。  延伸查詢new window
2.王賡武(1957)。The Chiu Wu-tai Shih and History-writing during the Five Dynasties。Asia Major,6(1),1-22。  new window
3.蘇基朗(1980)。五代的樞密院。食貨,10(1)/10(2),5-8。  延伸查詢new window
學位論文
1.方震華(2001)。Power Structures and Cultural Identities in Imperial China: Civil and Military Power from Late Tang to Early Song Dynasties (A. D. 875-1063)。  new window
圖書
1.李昉(1975)。太平御覽。臺灣商務印書館。  延伸查詢new window
2.Wang, Gung Wu(1963)。The Structure of Power in North China During the Five Dynasties。Kuala Lumpur:University of Malaya Press。  new window
3.王欽若(1967)。冊府元龜。臺北:鼎文書局。  延伸查詢new window
4.劉昫(1985)。舊唐書。台北:鼎文書局。  延伸查詢new window
5.孫光憲(1983)。北夢瑣言。臺北:源流。  延伸查詢new window
6.(宋)陶岳(1994)。五代史補。五代史補。上海。  延伸查詢new window
7.Somers, Robert M.(1979)。The end of the T'ang。The Cambridge History of China (Vol.3)。Cambridge。  new window
其他
1.(北宋)歐陽修(1985)。新五代史,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
2.(北宋)司馬光(1987)。資治通鑑,上海。  延伸查詢new window
3.(宋)薛居正(1985)。舊五代史,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
4.孫儲。考異。  延伸查詢new window
5.(北宋)王溥(1970)。五代會要,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
圖書論文
1.Smith-Shank, D. L.(2004)。[Semiotics and visual culture: Sights, signs, and significance] Introduction。Semiotics and visual culture: Sights, signs, and significance。VA:NAEA。  new window
2.毛漢光(1990)。五代之政治延續與政權轉移。中國中古政治史論。臺北:聯經事業出版有限公司。  延伸查詢new window
 
 
 
 
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