本研究旨在探討在施用投射理論（見蔡 2007, 2007 和 2009）下的漢語假雙賓句之結構。除了黃（2007, 2008a）所討論的「偷」類型的假雙賓句句型外，本研究指出漢語中應該還存在另外一種「告訴」類型的假雙賓句。這兩種類型的假雙賓句結構不同處可以從其論元移動和非論元移動見之。本研究同時提出，此兩類的假雙賓句可分別類比於漢語被動句中的兩個次類。本研究所指出的「告訴」類型假雙賓句和黃（1999）所討論的受害者 / 排它被動句有相似的結構。另一方面，原來黃（2007, 2008a）所討論的「偷」類型的假雙賓句，則在結構上類似於所有者 / 內含被動句。最後，本研究提出，漢語中假雙賓句和被動句結構上的相似性，除了支持相關文獻中兩種句式存在著同一個施用投射的提案，也對華語教學中兩句式次類的介紹有所助益。

In this paper I examine the structure of pseudo-double object construc-tion in Mandarin under the applicative framework (see also Tsai 2007, 2008 and 2009). In addition to the steal-type of pseudo-double object construction proposed by Huang (2007, 2008a), I argue that we can find another tell-type of pseudo-double object construction as well. The difference can be observed from their A- and A'- movement behaviors. I then propose that these two types of pseudo-double construction are structurally similar to two subtypes of the Mandarin passive. The tell-type of pseudo-double object construction is par-allel to the adversative/exclusive passive discussed in Huang (1999). On the other hand, the steal-type of pseudo-double object construction examined by Huang (2007, 2008a) is reminiscent of the possessive/inclusive passive. Fi-nally, the similarity between the pseudo-double object construction and the passive construction in Mandarin Chinese not only supports the proposal of a common applicative projection posited in both constructions as discussed in the literature, but also benefits the introduction of the subtypes of these two constructions in teaching Chinese as a second language.