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題名:漢語的謂語與切割結構
作者:魏廷冀 引用關係
作者(外文):Wei Ting-Chi
校院名稱:國立高雄師範大學
系所名稱:英語學系
指導教授:鍾榮富
劉辰生
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2004
主題關鍵詞:謂語疑問詞謂語切割結構刪略複製刪除修飾性謂語名詞性謂語predicationwh-predicatesluicingellipsiscopyingdeletionmodificational predicationnominal predicate
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漢語的「切割結構」,整體而言,其實是一種謂語性的呈現;並非所謂「刪略」或「複製」等過程之結果。在「切割短句」〔pro,(是),遺留疑問詞〕中,「是」的存在與否,取決於疑問詞之謂語性。假如該疑問詞有謂語性,則‘是’的出現是“選擇性的”,此時,當強調用的助動詞;假如疑問詞是非謂語性的,則‘是’一定要出現,當連繫動詞用。「漢語切割結構」中,總括而論,共有四種謂語關係:第一種:修飾性謂語、第二種:形容詞/介詞謂語、第三種:「是」謂語、以及第四種:主題與評論謂語。後三者之呈現,分別是來自於疑問詞中的形容詞/介係詞,非謂語性疑問詞之前‘是’的必要支撐,以及pro所需之前後句呼應。至於修飾性謂語,則來自「名詞謂語短句」中,主語、修飾語、與被修飾語,三者之間的三角互動關係。
此外,小代號pro的擬設,其實來自於漢語的pro-drop參數,並可進一步區分為:「名物性pro」及「事件pro」,各自在複合鍵〔前行語,pro,遺留疑問詞〕中,與適合的前行語相呼應,並當前行語與疑問詞之間的連繫者。在表面結構中,名詞性疑問詞當「名詞性pro」之謂語,受到主題句中的顯形前行語之控制。而形容詞/介詞引導的疑問詞則當「事件pro」的謂語,在邏輯形式中,指涉到主題句中的一個事件,其所屬的一個顯形或隱形的語意論元(Davidson 1967, Parsons 1990)。再者,pro與主題句前行語之必要指涉的特性,也可由GCR(Huang 1989)以及主題與評論間的謂語關係之交互作用得到解釋。
此分析有下列幾個優點:第一,符合漢語疑問詞不顯形移位的現象;第二,充分解釋了「是」的分佈;第三,「名物性pro」及「事件pro」之區分詮釋了不同程度的孤島限制以及strict/sloppy之歧義現象;第四,可預測「多重切割句」的存在;以及,第五,避開「平行」原則的違反。最後,在語言類型的分析上,亦可初步把東亞語言,包括日語、韓語、漢語,歸納為同一類的「謂語性」切割結構語言,有別於「可恢復性」切割結構語言,如英文等。
Mandarin sluicing is a manifestation of predication, not a consequence of deletion or copying. Within sluicing clause [pro, (shi ‘be’), wh-remnant], the presence/absence of shi ‘be’ is determined by the predicative properties of wh-remnants. If wh-words are predicative, shi ‘be’ is optional, playing the role of emphatic modal and if non-predicative, shi, being obligatory, is an equative verb. In Mandarin sluicing, there are four types of predication involved: (i) Modificational predication, (ii) adjectival/prepositional predication, (iii) shi-predication, and (iv) topic-comment predication. The last three types, in terms of the notion of predication, are grammatically fulfilled by adjectives and prepositions within wh-remnants, shi-support, and construal of pro, respectively. As to modificational predication, it is derived from a triangular interactive relationship between subject, modifier, and modifiee within nominal predicate construction. Within sluicing clause, the empty pronominal, pro, is attributed to the pro-drop parameter in Mandarin and can be further divided into two types: nominal pro and event pro, each of which refers to a fitting antecedent and serves as a connector in the complex Chain [antecedent, pro, wh-remnant]. The nominal wh-predicate is predicated of the nominal pro, which co-indexes with an overt nominal antecedent in the topic conjunct in the overt syntax. By the same token, the prepositional/adjectival wh-predicate is predicated of the event pro, which refers to a covert/overt semantic argument of an event predicate in the first conjunct in LF, along the vein of Davidson’s (1967) and Parsons’ (1990) event semantics. The obligatory construal of pro can be further accounted for under Huang’s (1989) GCR and topic-comment predication between the first and the second conjunct. The predicational sluicing analysis respects non-overt wh-movement, unravels the distribution of shi ‘be’, explains the different degrees of island violation and strict/slopping identity via the distinction of nominal pro and event pro, predicts the existence of multiple sluicing, and finally avoids the violation of parallelism. With pro-drop parameter, wh-in-situ parameter and the occurrence of copula, sluicing in the East-Asian languages can be typologically accounted for under this predicational model, in contrast to “recoverable” sluicing languages such as English.
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