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題名：優選論與漢語音節：聲母、次音節變化與音節結構
作者：羅勤正 引用關係
作者(外文)：Lo Chin-cheng
校院名稱：國立高雄師範大學
系所名稱：英語學系
指導教授：鍾榮富
學位類別：博士
出版日期：2009
主題關鍵詞：零聲母；韻尾連結；音節結構；韻母；韻尾條件；相似性；相近性；顯著性因素；響度；反切語；Ｌ-詞；音節合併；台灣閩南語；鼻音分佈；介音；漢語方言；優選論；zero onset；coda linking；syllable structure；rime；coda condition；similarity；proximity；markedness；sonority；Fanqie Languages；L-words；syllable contraction；nasal distribution；Taiwanese Southern Min；pre-nuclear glide；Chinese dialects；OT；Optimality Theory
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　　本研究主要包含兩部分，分別探討兩個與漢語音節相關的議題。第一個議題是關於「聲母與音節邊界」，第二個議題則是與「音節內部組織（constituency）」有關。
　　對於第一個議題而言，經過對過去文獻及實際語料的考察後，我們得到與Duanmu（2007）相反的看法：漢語的聲母是必需的（obligatory）。另外，我們發現跨音節的韻尾與聲母在發音部位上的同化作用（例如：tan + pAw → tam pAw 擔保）是AGREE[ALL]、CODA-COND、MAX(place)以及NO-SPREAD(place)等等制約互動下的結果。最後我們也發現，零聲母在全音節（full syllable）與化音節（weak syllable）中的不對稱行為在優選論中可由IO-Identity制約及OO-Identity 制約的互動成功地解釋。
　　第二個議題主要是針對長久以來認定的音節內部組織，也就是Onset/Rime（聲/韻）模型來作探討。已有研究者提出此模型的諸多問題（Yip 2003），其主要問題在於介音定位困難，常常同一語言內的語音或構詞現象都會導出不同的介音位置。
　　在以優選論對「反切語」、「Ｌ-詞」、「音節合併」與「台灣閩南語的鼻音分佈」的語料進行分析後，我們發現，這些之前被認為是起因於音節內部組織的語料，其實都可以被歸因於音節結構以外的因素，像是相似性（similarity）、相近性（proximity）、顯著性因素（markedness factors）、響度（sonority）及語義（semantics）等。我們的分析不需要任何的音節內部組織，所以不須面對Onset/Rime模型帶來的諸多問題；因此，用優選論來分析類似的語言現象時，Onset/Rime模型是可以被捨棄的。
This study contains two main parts, concerning two issues related to Chinese syllables. The first issue is about onset and syllable boundary and the second concerns syllable internal constituencies.
As for the first issue, after examining relevant literature and data, we conclude that onset is obligatory in Chinese syllables, contrary to the suggestion made in Duanmu (2007). Furthermore, the cross-syllabic place assimilation of a coda and an onset (e.g. tan + pAw → tam pAw ‘assure’) is attributed to the interaction of constraints such as AGREE[ALL], CODA-COND, MAX(place), and NO-SPREAD(place). In addition, we discover that the asymmetrical behavior of zero onset between full and weak syllables can be well accounted for in OT by the interaction of IO-Identity constraints and OO-Identity constraints.
The second issue focuses mainly on the long-recognized Onset/Rime constituency, which has been argued to be problematic (Yip 2003). The major problem of Onset/Rime model happens when one tries to determine the syllabic position of a pre-nuclear glide because even in the same language, different linguistic processes may suggest different positions for a pre-nuclear glide.
After analyzing data from Fanqie Languages, L-words, syllable contraction, and tautosyllabic nasal distribution of Taiwanese Southern Min, we establish OT analyses without referring to any syllable internal constituency. All the phenomena previously viewed as resulting from syllable internal structures can actually be attributed to other causes such as similarity, proximity, markedness factors, sonority, and semantics. In other words, no syllable internal constituency is required in our analyses and thus the problematic Onset/Rime model can be abandoned in OT, at least when approaching these morpho-phonological processes.
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