胡適不只是中國的胡適，若把他放在一九五○年代台灣政治史的範疇來看，可成分成一九五入年叫前人在美國、心在台灣的胡適，以及一九五八年來台擔任中研院院長的胡適，分別與台灣政局有相當關連。
一九五○年六月韓戰爆發，胡適將杜魯門的聲明(Truman's Statement)剪報附在日記裡；一九五五年大陳島國軍撤退，引起艾森豪向國會發表決意援台的咨文，台灣處境轉趨樂觀，胡適開始有「回去」的打算。不過一九五二年十一月十九日至一九五三年一月十七日胡適有一趟風光台灣行，最後一夜「蔣公約我晚飯」的時候，坦率批評台灣無言論自由，並提醒蔣（對政治犯）屢次加刑是違憲的行爲。
一九五○年代《自由中國》之所以能夠扮演批判國民黨政府的旗手，多半由於胡適的「保護傘」作用，但是一九五六年十一月出刊的「祝壽專號」包括胡適所撰文章在內，竟被國防部總政治部當作「毒素思想」來攻擊。
胡適是第一屆國大代表，一九五四年二月國民大會在台灣開第二次會議的時候，胡適爲斯時斯地國大開會選總統副總統的「合法性」大力辯護；但一九六○年二月國民大會欲選蔣介石三連任，胡適與《自由中國》明顯站在反對立場，觸怒當道。同年九月雷震案爆發，胡適是營救不果，胡蔣關係降到冰點。自由主義者似乎只能在威權統治的夾縫中順勢發揮一點勸誎作用，談不上逆勢而爲，於此可見一斑。

Ha Shih was not only China's Ha Shih. Placing him within the context of the history of Taiwanese politics in the 1950s, we can also distinguish the Hu Shih constantly mindfiul of Taiwan while residing in America prior to 1958 from the Hu Shih who returned to Taiwan to be President of Academia Sinica in 1958, both of whom had been deeply involved in Taiwan's political situations.
Once the Korean War broke out in June 1950, Hu attached the newspaper clipping carrying President Truman's statement to his diary: Taiwan's situation turned optimistic because President Eisenhower delivered a speech rescuing Taiwan to Congress when the Kuomintang forces evacuated the Ta-ch'en island. Ha began to consider ”returning” to Taiwan. However, when Hu had a remarkable Taiwan trip form Nov. 19 1952 through Jan. 171953, he, on the last night when ”the Generalissimo invited me for dinner,” openly criticized Taiwan's prohibition against the freedom of speech and reminded Chiang Kai-shek that repeatedly punishing political criminals was unconstitutional.
The reason why the Free China could serve as a standard-bearer for criticizing the KMT authorities in the 1950s was mainly due to the protective umbrella provided by Hu Shih. However, its ”Special Issue for Generalissimo's Birthday” which included Hu's article, published in November 1956, was banned by General Political Warfare Department, Ministry of National Defense as ”poisonous thought.”
Hu was a member of the first National Assembly and he deliberately defended the ”legality” of the second meeting of the Assembly convened in February 1952 on Taiwan to elect president and vice president. However, when the Assembly was to allow Chiang a straight third term of presidency, Hu and the Free China overtly, firmly opposed, thus, enraging the KMT authorities. Especially when the Lei Chen incident happened in September of the same year, Hu endeavored to save Lei yet to no avail and Hu and Chiang's relations downgraded to an ice point. It is thus noticeable that Liberals seemed only able to go with the tide to have some admonitory functions from the fissures of an authoritarian government, yet powerless to him the tide.