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題名:門戶與中國古代社會
書刊名:中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊
作者:劉增貴 引用關係
作者(外文):Liu, Tseng-kuei
出版日期:1997
卷期:68:4
頁次:頁817-897
主題關鍵詞:門戶古代社會空間家族象徵系統Gates and doorsAncient societySpaceFamilySymbols
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
相關次數:
  • 被引用次數被引用次數:期刊(10) 博士論文(8) 專書(6) 專書論文(1)
  • 排除自我引用排除自我引用:9
  • 共同引用共同引用:4
  • 點閱點閱:65
     本文根據漢以前的文獻與考古資料,從空間通道、人群分界、社會表徵三個角度 闡述門在中國古代的政治社會意義。就空間結構而言,「七舍」 (室、堂、庭、門、巷、術 、野 ) 是中國古代空間最具體的形象, 在這種由內而外,層次分明的空間結構中,層層的 門戶具有分界與通貫的雙重作用,因此門是空間控制與社會控制的重要設施,所謂「門戶之 政」有其實際意義。配合這種層次分明空間區劃的,是層次分明的人群分界。家門、閭門、 城門代表了家族、閭里、國人三個不同的人群範圍,清楚的反映了公私、尊卑、親疏、華夷 等人群關係。以政教言,宮門、官府門是政權軍權的象徵,政令宣示、刑罰示眾、人物旌顯 、士人教育,皆行於門,這與門為公共出入之所,為人群所聚集有關。社會階層的分劃,也 顯示於門。「門戶」是家族的同義語,古代貴族稱門,平民稱戶,「門」「戶」之別,劃分 了家族地位的高下。這種情況戰國以下雖漸改變,但門大戶小的意義猶存。至於門戶的高卑 顏色,也是家族地位高低的象徵,所以「高門大戶」,「朱門」「朱戶」成為上層階級的代 稱。在人倫關係上,門是重要界線,家門尤為關鍵。家門既是家族與社會的分界,也是二者 的接觸點。至於內寢門限,是男女內外的分界。就喪禮言,奔喪之望國門、望家門、至家門 而哭;哭喪有在寢門、廟門、城門內外之異,都反映了不同的倫理關係。門作為政權、鄉里 、階層、家族、個人的代表,其象徵意味十分濃厚。所以衛滅於狄,遺民另立門戶,春秋伐 國,攻戰多燒城門。而古代軾門拜闕之禮,犯門斬關之罰,以及古人對門災的解釋,都顯示 門不只是一個建築設施而已,更具有深刻的政治與社會文化意含,與當時的政治社會結構, 以及生活禮俗都密切相關。
     Based on pre-Han literary and archeological evidence, this article examines the political and social significance of the gate in ancient China. The gate, or door, served as a spacial connection, a division between communities, and as a social symbol. The gate was one of the most concrete divisions among what were known in ancient China as the "seven structures" (ch'i-she). The seven structures marked spacial divisions from within the most intimate chamber, to the larger hall in front of it, the courtyard, the gate of the family compound, the alley in front of the house, the nearest large avenue, and finally teh surrounding countryside. Within this clearly demarcated, layered universe, in which the "inner" is carefully distinguished from the "outer," each door was at once a barrier and an entry. Hence the door was an important device for both spacial and social control--in short, state policy concerning the opening and closing of gates reflected certain social realities. Corresponding to these clear demarcations of space, were clear demarcations of social groups. The gates of the home, the village, and the city represented the boundaries among families, communities, and the state. Gates clearly reflected social divisions between public and private, superior and inferior, relative and stranger, Chinese and non-Chinese. Politically, palace gates and the gates of official offices were symbols of military and political power. Official proclamations, administration of punishment and reward, and education of the literati all involved passage though or gathering around gates. These are all related to the gate as a public passage and gathering site. Divisions of social class are also manifest in gates. "Gate and door" (men-hu) was a synonym for family: the ancient noble family was known as a "Gate", wile the family of a commoner was known as a "Door". In this way the distinction between a gate and a door marked the division between those of high and low status. Although this situation gradually changed after the Warring States period, the significance of the superiority of the gate over the door remained. The size and color of the gate was also assigned symbolic significance indicating social status. For this reason, expressions such as "a high, large door", "a vermilion gate", and a "vermilion door" were all used as metaphors for families of high social status. In the network of human relations, the door was a key marker of boundaries. The gate to the family house makred the division between the family and society, and was at the same time the point at which the two met. Within the home, the door to the inner quarters marked a division between male and female. As a part of funerary rituals, mourners away from home were to weep at the "gate of the state", at the family gate, or on reaching the family gate. During the mourning rituals, distinctions were drawn between weeping within and without the door of the inner chambers, the gate of the temple, and the city gate, reflecting distinctions in social relations. Variously perceived as an emblem of political power, social class, the village, family, and individual, the gate was rich in symbolic significance. Hence, when the Wei were defeated by the Ti, the survivors quickly erected a new gate, and when attacking a rival stage during the Spring and Autumn period, armies usually assaulted and burned the city gate. Further, the ancient custom of "paying respects before gates and bowing before pavilions" (shih-men pai-cheh), the punishment for those who "climbed over closed gates or smashed the bolt of a gate" (fan-men chan-kuan), as well as ancient interpretations of disasters that befell gates, all discolse that, more than a simple architectural device, the gate was invested with profound political, social, and cultural significance, and was closely related to social-political structure as well as the rituals and customs of everyday life.
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2.(唐)李善(1975)。昭明文選,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
3.六韜,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
4.(北魏)楊衒之(1978)。洛陽伽藍記校注,上海。  延伸查詢new window
5.黃節(1972)。漢魏樂府風箋,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
6.(晉)崔豹(1974)。古今注,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
7.續漢書。  延伸查詢new window
8.(劉宋)范曄。後漢書,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
9.(1990)。九章算術,上海。  延伸查詢new window
10.(清)俞正燮(1971)。癸巳存稿,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
11.(宋)陳直(1980)。三輔黃圖校證,西安。  延伸查詢new window
12.(清)張惠言。儀禮圖。  延伸查詢new window
13.(東漢)蔡質(1990)。漢官典職儀式選用,北京。  延伸查詢new window
14.(漢)衛宏(1990)。漢舊儀,北京。  延伸查詢new window
15.(東漢)應劭(1990)。漢官儀,北京。  延伸查詢new window
16.尚書正義。  延伸查詢new window
17.毛詩正義。  延伸查詢new window
18.周易正義。  延伸查詢new window
19.爾雅疏。  延伸查詢new window
20.大戴禮記,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
21.(1968)。白虎通義,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
22.(南宋)朱熹(1961)。四書集注,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
23.(清)孫詒讓(1934)。周禮正義,上海。  延伸查詢new window
24.(清)孫詒讓(1975)。定本墨子閒詁,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
25.岑仲勉(1958)。墨子城守各篇簡注,北京。  延伸查詢new window
26.劉仲平(1975)。尉繚子今注今譯,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
27.(漢)劉向(1970)。新序,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
28.(漢)劉向(1970)。說苑,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
29.(清)張澍(1936)。三輔舊事,上海。  延伸查詢new window
30.(漢)趙岐(1984)。三輔決錄,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
31.(魏)張揖(1966)。廣雅,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
32.(東漢)許慎(1973)。段氏說文解字注,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
33.(漢)韓嬰。韓詩外傳,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
34.劉增貴。中國古代「門」的禮俗與信仰。  延伸查詢new window
35.劉增貴。漢代闕的一些問題。  延伸查詢new window
36.(西漢)司馬遷。史記。  延伸查詢new window
37.(東漢)班固。漢書,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
38.(晉)袁宏(1987)。後漢紀紀校注,天津。  延伸查詢new window
39.華嶠。華嶠後漢書。  延伸查詢new window
40.張璠。張璠後漢紀。  延伸查詢new window
41.(晉)陳壽。三國志,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
42.(梁)沈約。宋書,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
43.(唐)李延壽。南史。  延伸查詢new window
44.(唐)徐堅(1930)。初學記,上海。  延伸查詢new window
45.(漢)劉向(1968)。列女傳補注,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
46.(漢)劉歆。西京雜記。  延伸查詢new window
47.(東漢)蔡邕(1936)。獨斷,上海。  延伸查詢new window
48.(北魏)酈道元(1983)。水經注,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
49.(清)任啟運。朝廟宮室考。  延伸查詢new window
50.(清)江永。儀禮釋宮增註。  延伸查詢new window
51.(元)馬端臨(1936)。文獻通考,上海。  延伸查詢new window
52.(1968)。古文苑,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
圖書論文
1.初師賓(1984)。漢邊塞守御器備考略。漢簡研究文集。甘肅:甘肅人民出版社。  延伸查詢new window
2.馬先醒(1980)。漢代長安里第考。中國古代城市論集。臺北:簡牘學會。  延伸查詢new window
3.張春樹(1977)。漢代邊地上鄉和里的結構。漢代邊疆史論集。臺北:食貨出版社。  延伸查詢new window
 
 
 
 
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