:::

詳目顯示

回上一頁
題名:語言演變與歷史地理因素--莆仙方言:閩東與閩南的匯集
作者:劉秀雪 引用關係
作者(外文):Hsiu-Hsueh Liu
校院名稱:國立清華大學
系所名稱:語言學研究所
指導教授:曹逢甫
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2004
主題關鍵詞:語言接觸語言演變優選理論閩方言莆仙方言閩南語閩東話音韻學Language contactLanguage changeOptimality TheoryMin dialectPuxian dialectSouthern MinEastern MinPhonology
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
相關次數:
  • 被引用次數被引用次數:期刊(4) 博士論文(2) 專書(0) 專書論文(0)
  • 排除自我引用排除自我引用:3
  • 共同引用共同引用:0
  • 點閱點閱:489
本論文研究焦點在於將莆仙方言的聲、韻、調、及文白異讀等各方面的音韻現象,與閩東、閩南的音韻現貌做比較;並採取優選論(Optimality Theory)進行語言接觸演變的理論分析。分析重點在於找出三區閩語音韻表現的異同之處,再經由相互比較找出閩語方言接觸演變的特色。
從聲母的比較中發現,莆田很積極地參與沿海閩語區出現的各類音韻變化;包括古鼻音聲母去鼻化(閩南)、發音部位同化(閩南)、發音方式同化(閩東)等都存在莆仙方言中。這些音韻變化在莆田的現象與其他兩區並不完全相似;如古鼻音聲母去鼻化後,並不與廈門同樣讀為濁阻塞音,而是讀成清阻塞音,聲母類化音變時,福州話只有舌根音消失,但莆田連雙唇音也跟著不見。
韻母部分,莆田同時出現閩南式的韻尾丟失、閩東式的韻尾簡化、無鼻化韻、以及元音共諧等音韻現象。整體而言,莆仙表層音韻組合,是三區中相對無標的(unmarked);如輔音韻尾與聲母的互動中,「紅鼻」/ang phi/一詞,在閩南是[am phi],閩東為[ang mi],莆仙則是[am mi]。就某個層面來看,莆仙方言匯集了閩東、閩南特色於一身;其混合模式是主動地擷取鄰近方言高階的音韻限制來融入自身,使得整個方言結構不斷朝著「相對的無標化」邁進。
在理論分析部分,我們對優選論與語言演變以及語言接觸演變,都提出了具體的主張。語言演變在優選論中是以位階重排的方式詮釋,由於大規模的語言演變都是基於外在社會因素(如語言接觸)與內在語言心理因素的互動而形成(Aitchison, 2001),因此大規模的位階重排也只會在兩方因素的互動下才發生,語言接觸演變就是其中一種。莆仙發生過兩次重大位階重排,與閩南共同經歷白讀層演變後,先是面對了文白層次競爭、而後又擷取大量的閩東限制位階。
語言接觸演變可分成兩類,區域地理式與克里奧式;莆仙方言接觸現象歸屬於「區域地理式」的語言接觸,其特徵是以音韻限制高升所主導的位階重排,亦即音韻限制在這類演變中會取得相對高階的位置,表層音韻結構會「相對無標化」。克里奧式接觸則是兩種語言的位階限制相互競爭,音韻限制與信實限制常都各有勝負。
This dissertation is a study of Puxian dialect and focuses on the comparative analysis of Eastern Min (EMin), Puxian and Southern Min (SMin) phonology, which all belong to coastal Min dialects. Optimality Theory is adopted here to offer a theoretical explanation for language/dialect contact and change.
From the comparison of sound changes in the three areas, we find Puxian has been aggressively participating in various phonolical changes of coastal Mins, including the denasalization of ancient nasal initials (SMin), regressive place assimilation (SMin), progressive manner assimilation (EMin), coda simplification (EMin), vowel harmony (EMin) etc. These sound changes in Puxian differ in some way from those in the other two dialects. For example, the outputs of denasalization in SMin are voiced obstruents, but they are voiceless obstruents in Puxian; and in the progressive manner assimilation of EMin, only velar consonants would disappear between vowels, but both velar and labial consonants vanish during this change of Putian.
Generally speaking, the surface phonological structure of Puxian is the most unmarked among the three. For instance, in the interaction of adjacent coda and onset within a word, a compound word like red nose /ang phi/ would surface as [am phi] in SMin, [ang mi] in EMin, and [am mi] in Puxian, which shows a combination of EMin and SMin in a sense. In sum, Puxian has absorbed high-ranked phonological constraints from both E. and S. Mins to make its surface form less and less marked.
In the theoretical analysis, we argue that language change can be explained with constraint re-ranking in OT. Since a large scale of language change is triggered by the interaction of language external factors (like language contact) and internal factors (Aitchison, 2001), a large scale of constraint re-ranking would only occur for the same reason. There are two major constraint re-ranking in diachronic Puxian phonology. After it underwent the sound changes of colloquial stratum with SMin, Puxian first came across a ranking competition between colloquial and literal strata, and then, it incorporated a large amount of EMin phonological (markedness) constraints into its previous ranking.
The sound change of language contact, in our opinion, can be classified into two types, geographical feature spreading and creolization. The main difference between them is the way of constraint re-ranking. The former type features the promotion of markedness constraints, i.e., the markedness constraints become highly ranked and the influenced language shows The Emergence of The Unmarkedness. And the process of creolization is just a ranking competition between the related languages. Puxian and most Chinese dialect contacts belong to the first type.
參考書目:
北京大學中國語言文學系語言學教言室(編),1989,《漢語方音字彙》,文字改革出版社,北京
蔡俊明,1976,《潮語詞典》,東亞製本所,台北
曹逢甫、劉秀雪,2001a,〈閩南語小稱詞的由來:兼談歷史演變與地理分布的關係〉,《聲韻論叢第十一輯》頁295-310,學生書局,台北
───、───,2001b,〈音韻規則的轉換:以莆仙方言為例談語言接觸〉,第七屆閩方言研討會論文
陳保亞,1996,《語言接觸與語言聯盟-漢越(侗台)語源關係的解釋》,語文出版社,北京
陳澤平,1998,《福州方言研究》,福建人民出版社,福州
陳章太、李如龍,1991,《閩語研究》,語文出版社,北京
程俊源,1998,〈台灣閩南語聲母去鼻化之詞彙擴散現象〉,《漢語方言研究著作得獎作品論文集》,教育部國語推行委員會
丁邦新,1970,《台灣語言源流》,民族文化叢書第八種,台灣省政府新聞處
───,1984,〈吳語聲調之研究〉,《中研院史語所集刊》第55本,605-638
丁聲樹,1981,〈漢語音韻講義〉,《方言》241-274
董同龢,1959,〈四個閩南方言〉,《中研院史語所集刊》第三十本,729-1024new window
───,1974,〈廈門方言的音韻〉,丁邦新編《董同龢先生語言學論文選集》,p. 275-297
何大安,1996,《聲韻學中的觀念和方法》第二版,台北市:大安出版社new window
馮愛珍,1993,《福清方言研究》,社會科學文獻出版社,北京
福清市志編纂委員會編,1994,《福清市志‧方言卷》廈門大學出版社,廈門
洪惟仁,1985,《台灣河佬語聲調研究》,自立晚報社出版,台北
───,1996,〈從閩南語輔音的鼻化、去鼻化看漢語音節類型〉,《第五屆國際暨第十四屆全國聲韻學學術研討會論文集》,p. 53-76
───,1996,《台灣話音韻入門》,國立復興劇藝實驗學校出版,台北
───,1997,《《彙音妙悟》與古代泉州音》,台北:國立中央圖書館台灣分館
黃典誠(主編),1998,《福建省志‧方言志》,方志出版社,北京
黃金洪,2002,《仙游話和廈門話、福州話詞語比較》,廈門大學碩士論文
李仁癸,1992,〈閩南語的鼻音問題〉,《中國境內語言暨語言學-第一輯:漢語方言》,1:423-235
李方桂,1980,《上古音研究》,北京:商務印書館new window
李 榮,1982,《音韻存稿》,北京:商務印書館
───,1985,《語文論衡》,北京:商務印書館
───,1989,〈漢語方言的分區〉,《方言》241-259
李如龍,1997,《福建方言》,福州:福建人民出版社
───,2001a,〈福州話聲母類化的制約條件〉,《漢語方言的比較研究》,商務印書館,北京
───,2001b,〈仙游縣方言志〉,《福建縣市方言志12種》,福建教育出版社,福州
───、梁玉璋、鄒光樁、陳澤平,1994,《福建方言詞典》,福建人民出版社,福州
───、萬波,1992,〈福建境內的兩種雙方言現象〉,《雙語雙方言》,彩虹出版社,香港
───、莊初生、嚴修鴻等著,1995,《福建雙方言研究》,漢學出版社,香港
連金發,1995,〈台灣閩南語疑問詞的歷史發展和方言變異〉,《第一屆台灣語言國際研討會論文選集》,文鶴出版有限公司,台北
───,1998,〈台灣閩南話詞綴“仔”的研究〉,《第二屆台灣國際語言研討會論文選集》,黃宣範編
───,2000,Denasalization, Vocalic Nasalization and Related Issues in Southern Min: A Dialectal and Comparative Perspective,In Memory of Professor Li Fang-Kuei: Essays of Linguistic Change and the Chinese Dialects (《語言變化與漢語方言:李方桂先生紀念論文集》),丁邦新、余藹芹編new window
林寶卿,1992,〈漳州方言詞彙(一~三)〉,《方言》151-160, 230-240, 310-312
林連通,1993,《泉州市方言志》,社會科學文獻出版社,北京
林倫倫,1991,〈汕頭方言詞彙(一~三)〉,《方言》153-160, 232-240, 310-314
───,1992,〈汕頭方言詞彙(四)〉,《方言》78-80
───,1994,〈廣東省澄海方言同音字彙〉,《方言》128-142
劉福鑄,1994,《莆田縣志‧方言卷》,中華書局,北京
───,2001,《莆仙方言熟語歌謠》,福建人民出版社,福州
劉秀雪,1998,《金門瓊林方言探析》,清華大學碩士論文
───,2002a,〈古鼻音聲母在莆仙方言的演變─與閩東、閩南之比較〉,NCL 2002, 靜宜大學,台中
───,2002b,〈古鼻音聲母在莆仙方言的演變〉,IACL-11, 愛知縣立大學,名古屋
───,2004,〈閩語莆仙方言的韻母演變〉,IACL-12(青年學者獎競賽論文), 南開大學,天津
馬重奇,1993,〈漳州方言同音字彙〉,《方言》199-217
梅祖麟、楊秀芳,1995,〈幾個閩語語法成份的時間層次〉《中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊》第六十六本,第一份,1-19new window
閩清縣志編纂委員會編,1993,《閩清縣志‧方言卷》,福建人民出版社,福州
宁德市地方志編纂委員會編,1995,《宁德市志‧方言卷》,中華書局,福州
莆田市政協文教衛體文史資料委員會編,2001,《莆仙話》,莆田市文史資料第十六輯
橋本萬太郎,1985(余志鴻譯),《語言地理類型學》,北京大學出版社
邵慧君、甘于恩,1999,〈閩語小稱類型比較〉,《第六屆國際閩方言研討會論文集》
石曉娉,1997,《從自主音段音韻學觀點看金城方言聲調學》,國立清華大學碩士論文
壽宁縣地方志編纂委員會編,1992,《壽宁縣志‧方言卷》,鷺江出版社,廈門市
陶燠民,1956,《閩音研究》,科學出版社,北京new window
王本瑛,1995,〈漢語方言中小愛稱的地理類型與演變〉,《清華學報》,新二十五卷第四期371-398頁new window
廈門市地方志編纂委員會辦公室編,1996,《廈門方言志》,北京:北京語言學院出版社
廈門大學中國語言文學研究所漢語方言研究室編,1993,《普通話閩南語詞典》台灣版,台北:台笠出版社
徐通鏘,1996,《歷史語言學》,北京:商務印書館
袁家驊等著,1989,《漢語方言概要》(第二版),文字改革出版社,北京
楊秀芳,1982,《閩南語文白系統的研究》,國立台灣大學博士論文new window
───,1991,《台灣閩南語語法稿》,大安出版社,台北
岩田禮,(1992),〈漢語方言入聲音節的生理特徵〉,《中國境內語言暨語言學》1:523-537
葉寶奎,1999,〈莆仙方言邊擦音初探〉,《第六屆閩方言國際研討會論文集》,香港科技大學
張光宇,1989,〈閩南方言的特殊韻母ing〉,《大陸雜誌》79卷2期,16-22new window
───,1990,《切韻與方言》,台灣商務印書館,台北
───,1991,〈漢語方言發展的不平衡性〉,《中國語文》431-438
───,1996,《閩客方言史稿》,南天書局,台北
───,1997,〈東南方言關係試論〉(初稿),北京:第三十屆國際漢藏語暨語言學研討會
張 琨,1993,〈漢語方言中鼻音韻尾的消失〉,《漢語方音》,23-64頁,學生書局,台北
張文漢,1990,Phonological Process in Min Dialects: An Autosegmental Approach,(以自主音段探討閩方言音變),政治大學碩士論文
張振興,1985,〈閩語的分區(稿)〉,《方言》,第三期171-180頁
───,1992,《漳平方言研究》,北京:中國社會科學出版社
───,1993,《台灣閩南方言記略》,文史哲出版社,台北
───,1997,〈重讀《中國語言地圖集》〉(初稿),北京:第三十屆國際漢藏語暨語言學研討會
───,1999,〈閩語及其周邊方言〉,《第六屆閩方言國際研討會論文集》
張盛裕,1979,〈潮陽方言的文白異讀〉,《方言》241-267
柘榮縣地方編纂委員會編,1995,《柘榮縣志‧方言卷》,中華書局,北京
中國社會科學院語言研究所編,1983,《方言調查字表》,商務印書館,北京
中國社會科學院、澳大利亞人文科學院編,1987,《中國語言地圖集》,朗文有限公司,香港
周長楫,1983,〈廈門方言文白異讀的類型(上、下)〉,《中國語文》330-336,430-438
───,1986,〈福建境內閩南方言的分類〉,《語言研究》2:69-80
───,1991a,〈廈門方言同音字彙〉,《方言》99-118
───,1991b 《普通話與閩南語》,語文出版社,北京
───編,1993,《廈門方言詞典》,江蘇教育出版社,南京
周寧縣地方志編纂委員會編,《周寧縣志‧方言卷》,中國科學技術出版社,北京
周振鶴、游汝傑 1986 《方言與中國文化》,台北:南天書局new window
References:
Aitchison, Jean. 2001. Language Change: progress or decay?. Cambridge University Press. New York.
Appel, Rene; Muysken, Pieter.1987. Language contact and bilingualism. Edward Arnold. London.
Archangeli, Diana and Langendoen, D. Terence. 1997. Optimality Theory: an Overview. Blackwell Publishers.
Chappell, Hilary. (ms). Dialect Grammar in Two Early Modern Southern Min Texts
Cheng, Chin-chuan. 1973. A Synchronic Phonology of Mandarin. The Hague: Moutan.
Cho, Young-mee Yu (1995). ‘Language change as reranking of constraints’. Paper presented at the 12thInternational Conference on Historical Linguistics, University of Manchester.
Chung, Raung-fu. 1989. Aspects of Kejia Phonology. Ph.D dissertation. Cornell University.
Chung, Raung-fu. 1996. The Segmental Phonology of Southern Min in Taiwan. The Crane Publishing Co. Ltd. Taipei.
Clements, George N. and Wlizabeth V. Hume. 1995. The Internal Organization of Speech Sounds. The Handbook of Phonological Theory. ed. by John A. Goldsmith. 245-306. Blackwell. Oxford.
Coetsem, Frans van. 1988. Loan Phonology and the Two Transfer Types in Language Contact. Foris Publications. Dordrecht.
Duanmu, Mu. 1990. A Formal Study of Syllable, Tone, Stress and Domain in Chinese Languages. Dissertation of Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Fromkin (ed.), Victoria A. 1978. Tone A LINGUISTIC SURVEY. Acdamic Press
Goldsmith, John. 1990. Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology. Cambridge, Basil Blackwell
Hashimoto, Mantaro 1982. The So-called “Original” and “Changed” Tones in Fukienese: a Case Study of Chinese tone Morphophonemics. Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology 53: 645-659.
Hayes, Bruce. 1986. Inalterability in CV Phonology. Language 62:318-351.
───, Bruce. 1989. Compensatory Lengthening in Moraic Phonology. Linguistic Inquiry 20:253-306
Ito, Junko, and Armin Mester. 1995. The Core-peripgery Structure of the Lecicon and Constraints on Reranking. Papers in Optimality Theory, edited by J. Beckman, S. Urbanczyk and L. Walsh. Amherst: GLSA. 181-210
───, Junko, and Armin Mester. to appear. The Phonological Lexicon. A Handbook of Japanese Linguistics, edited by N. Tsujimura. Oxford: Blackwell.
Jiang-King, Ping. 1999, Tone-Vowel Interaction in Optimality Theory, Lincom Europa
Kager, Rene. 1999. Optimality Theory, Cambridge, UK.
Lin, Jo-wang. 1995. Lexical Government and Tone Group Formation in Xiamen Chinese. Phonology 11:237-275
McCarthy, John. 2002, A Thematic Guide to Optimality Theory, Cambridge University Press.
McCarthy, John, and Alan Prince. 1993a, Prosodic Morphology I: Constraint Interaction and Satisfaction. MS. University of Massachusetts and Brandeis.
McCarthy, John, and Alan Prince. 1993b, Generalized Alignment, Year Book of Morphology 1993. 79-154.
McCarthy, John, and Alan Prince. 1994. The Emergence of The Unmarked: Optimality in Prosodic Morphology. . NELS 24: 333-379.
McCarthy, John, and Alan Prince. 1995. Faithfulness and Reduplicative Identity. Papers in Optimality Theory. (Beckma et al) Amherst: GLSA.
McMahon, April. 2000, Change, Chance, and Optimality, Oxford University Press, New York.
Miglio, Viola (1998). ‘The Great Vowel Shift: An OT model fro Unconditioned language change’. Paper presented at the 10th International Conference on English Historical Linguistics, University of Manchester.
Padgett, Jaye. 2003, Contrast and Post-velar fronting in Russian, Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 21.1:39-87
───, Jaye. to appear, The Emergence of Contrastive Palatalization in Russian. In Optimality Theory and language change, edited by E. Holt: Kluwer Academic Press.
Putz, Martin. 1994. Language Contact and Language Conflict. John Benjamins Publishing Co..Amsterdam.
Sander, Nathaniel. 2003. Opacity and Sound Change in Polish Lexicon. dissertation of University California Santa Cruz.
Snider, Keith. 1999. The Geometry and Features of Tone. the Summer Institute of Linguistics.
Steriade, Donca. 2001a. The Phonology of Perceptibility effects: the P-Map and its Consequences for Constraint Organization,UCLA (ms)
───, Donca. 2001b. Directional Assymetries in Place Assimilation: a perceptual account. The Role of Speech Perception in Phonology. Edited by Elizabeth Hume and Keith Johnson, 219-250. Academic Press. San Diego.
Zhang, Jie. 2000. Non contrastive Features and Categorical Patterning in Chinese Diminutive Suffixation — Max [F] or Ident [F]. Phonology 17: 427-478.
 
 
 
 
第一頁 上一頁 下一頁 最後一頁 top
:::
無相關著作
 
無相關點閱
 
QR Code
QRCODE