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題名:台灣閩南語否定祈使句研究
作者:鄧冠明
作者(外文):Teng, Kuan-ming
校院名稱:國立清華大學
系所名稱:語言學研究所
指導教授:連金發
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2017
主題關鍵詞:否定祈使主語動詞句末助詞台灣閩南語Negative imperativessubjectverbsentence-final particlesTSM
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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本論文旨從語法、語義和語用三方面來探索台灣現代閩南語否定祈使句的相關議題。深究的主題有三:(1) 否定祈使句的句法結構及主語特性、(2) 否定祈使句中否定、情態和後接成分的互動;以及(3) 否定祈使句句末助詞的核心語義、言談功能及相對位階。本研究主要採用的理論模式為制圖理論(Cartographic Approach)和會話隱涵理論(Conversational Implicature)。
根據台灣現代閩南語語料庫的資料,本文首先嘗試區分否定祈使句和帶有義務情態詞的否定直陳式之間的差別,然後提出一套可以完整分析台閩語否定祈使句徵性的句法結構,包括否定祈使句的主語如何得到聽話者特徵(addressee feature)以及否定祈使句如何與祈使念力(imperative force)相結合。在主語方面,我們論證第一人稱單數代名詞(gua2)可以進入(否定)祈使句的結構,而第三人稱代名詞(i1/in1)則因為語義本質的問題,無法作為(否定)祈使句之主語。
接著本文利用動詞語義特徵(semantic features)和詞彙時貌(lexical aspects)將動詞作系統性的分類,以否定祈使句中常見的否定詞「勿(mai3)」和「免(bein2)」為例,一一檢視各類動詞與否定情態之間的互動關係,藉以了解哪些類別的動詞可以合法地出現在否定祈使句當中。我們發現在生理性非自主動詞和非可控動詞的結合上,兩個否定情態詞的表現不一樣,這是因為勿(mai3)和免(bein2)兩者的權威來源(source of authority)不同所致。在詞彙時貌方面,終結性(telicity)會影響動詞是否可以進入祈使句當中。而不同的情態詞搭配上各種狀語、句末助詞、主語或呼格(vocatives)則會呈現不同強弱語氣的祈使形式。
最後,本文探討五個在否定祈使句中出現頻率最高的句末助詞,即:啦(lah)、啊(ah)、喔(ooh)、呼(honn)和咧(leh),嘗試利用語料庫中的自然口語語料,從語境中來分析每一個句末助詞的核心語義和語用功能,並進而從連用的情形來比較其投射位階的高低,最後我們提出台閩語句末助詞的階層結構由低至高分別是:Clow (咧1,啊1) < AttitudeP (咧2,啊2,啦,喔) < ForceP (呼)。
總而言之,本論文從語法、語義和語用三方面嘗試探索三個和否定祈使句相關的議題,藉由對否定祈使句結構的剖析了解祈使句中主語的特性,運用動詞語義和詞彙時貌來深究否定、情態和動詞在否定祈使句中的搭配情形,並利用語境來挖掘否定祈使句中常見句末助詞的核心語義、語用功能和相對位階,祈能映證理論之可行性並對台灣現代閩南語有更進一步的認識。
In this dissertation, we aim to explore three relevant issues on negative imperative sentences in Taiwanese Southern Min (henceforth TSM). The topics discussed are as follows: (1) the syntactic structure and the subject properties of negative imperatives, (2) the interaction among negation, modality and the attached complements, and (3) the core meanings and discourse functions of sentence-final particles and their relative hierarchical positions. The studies primarily adopt Cartographic Approach and Theory of Conversational Implicature for analysis.
According to the data in the corpus of modern TSM, the first study in this dissertation at first makes a distinction between negative imperative sentences and negative indicative sentences with deontic modals in TSM. Then it is intended to characterize the syntactic structure of negative imperatives and explain how the subject gets the feature [+addressee]. Further, it suggests that the first person singular pronoun (i.e., gua2) legally be the subject of negative imperatives though its rate of appearance is quite low in the corpus data. By contrast, the third person pronoun (i.e., i1 and in1) can hardly be regarded as the subject of negative imperative sentences owing to the fact that their property of being a bystander in a conversation conflicts with the feature [+addressee].
Next, the second study examines the interaction among negation, modality and the complements attached in terms of the properties of verbs, lexical aspects, and meanings in order to learn about the collocations of the imperative mood and a variety of verbs. It is found that the properties of physical volitionality, controlness, and telicity play parts in deciding the combination between modals and verbs. On the other hand, this study also attempts to elaborate on how imperative sentences are formed to deliver different-level powers of imperatives based on what kind of adverbs, final particles, subjects, or even vocatives are chosen to modify the imperative sentences.
Then the third study, according to the spoken data in the corpus, explores the core meanings and discourse functions of five sentence-final particles (henceforth SFPs) which most frequently appear in the context of negative imperatives. It is found that the five SFPs separately have their own core meanings and play different roles in the discourse. The study also takes a further step to make a comparison among these final particles to make an order of their relevant hierarchical positions. The hierarchical structure of these SFPs is shown from low to high as follows: Clow (leh1, ah1) < AttitudeP (leh2, ah2, lah, ooh) < ForceP (honn).
To sum up, this dissertation intends to investigate three issues on negative imperatives from the perspectives of syntax, semantics and pragmatics. According to the analysis of the syntactic structure of negative imperatives, it mainly illustrates the properties of subjects in negative imperatives. Based on the properties of verbs, it primarily explores the relationship among negation, modality, and verbs in negative imperatives. And within the context of negative imperatives, it seeks to find out the core meanings, discourse functions and relative hierarchical positions of sentence-final particles. We expect these studies can verify the compatibility of theories adopted inhere and provide some further understanding of TSM, one of the important dialects spoken in Taiwan.
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