在臺灣的戰後政治發展史中，國民黨是外來政權，其過去和臺灣社會沒有任何關連。由臺灣地方政治菁英所組成的地方派系，在國民黨的統政政權中扮演著重要角色。國民黨給予這些地方派系各種政治和經濟上的利益及特權。而地方派系則在各項選舉中替國民黨動員選票，達到鞏固政權的目的。而在選舉中，地方派系最常用的選舉動員手段，就是買票。本論文主要的目的是要瞭解國民黨候選人的買票機器如何建立與運作。資料來源來自筆者兩個月的參與觀察，以及對國民黨候選人不同層級的輔選幹部所做的深度訪談。本文指出，各鄉鎮的地方政治勢力影響著選舉動員與買票作業組織的安排。在大部份鄉鎮，受限於敵對地方派系的因素，大多有兩個動員系統。而在沒有地方派系的鄉，則面臨如何動員龐大椿腳組織的難題。在少數鄉鎮，國民黨由於無法動員到地方派系或動員系統的支持，而被迫由鄉黨部負責樁腳動員和買票作業。同時，即使在大規模的買票過程中，買票仍是一精心安排的計畫。而社會關係的動員，不僅確保了買票過程中的安全性及隱密性，同時更重要的，達到動員選民的目的。本論文同時發現，買票的比例高達67﹪，遠超出由問卷研究所得到的25-30﹪的買票比例。

　　　　　Vote-buying has long been a wide-spread phenomenon in elections on Taiwan. It is most commonly practiced by the Kuomintang candidates. This essay analyzes the making and operation of the vote-buying machine of a KMT candidate. The information is collected from participant observation and in-depth interview of the KMT campaigners of different ranks. The article claims that local factions are an important instrument for the KMT in exercising large-scale vote-buying. In some towns where no factions exist, which is rere, party officers take the place of local factions to engage in vote-buying. This paper shows that large-scale vote-buying is a deliberate and carefully planned process. Moreover, its effectiveness and secrecy are insured by traditional social relations. This paper also challenges the conclusion of past findings by interview surveys that the proportion of votes bought among the electorate is about 25-30% It is estimated to be as high as 67% by the current research. The vote-buying machine nor only sustained the KMT authoritarian regime but has also kept it in power after democratization.