臺灣人文及社會科學引文索引資料庫系統

:::

詳目顯示

回上一頁
第 1 筆 / 總合 1 筆   第一頁 上一頁 下一頁 最後一頁
/1頁
題名：臺灣話鼻音滲透的OT分析
書刊名：清華學報
作者：洪惟仁
作者(外文)：ANG, Uijin
出版日期：2001
卷期：31:3
頁次：頁197-248
主題關鍵詞：臺灣話；閩南語；鼻音擴散；優選論分析；音節內滲透；跨音節滲透；方言差異；Taiwanese；Nasal spreading；OT analysis；Inner syllabic percolation；Trans syllabic percolation；Dialectal variation
原始連結：連回原系統網址new window
相關次數：
  • 被引用次數被引用次數:期刊(0) 博士論文(1) 專書(0) 專書論文(0)
  • 排除自我引用排除自我引用:0
  • 共同引用共同引用:236
  • 點閱點閱:42
　　　　　臺灣閩南語音韻最引人入勝之處是鼻音的擴散，韻核鼻音可以擴散到整個音節，但是韻尾鼻音卻不能擴散。為了解釋這個不對稱性，已經發表了許多理論，包括向右擴散論、向左擴散論、向下擴散論、領域滲透論，這些以規律為基礎的理論雖然做了幾乎所有可能的分析，卻沒有一個能夠以一貫的理論解釋所有的鼻音現象。因此本文嘗試以限制基礎分析和優選論模式重新分析臺灣話的鼻音現象。討論的範疇除音節內擴散，也涉及跨音節擴散。 本文以音節層次性結構分析及領頭管轄原則，重新界定鼻音領域、並提出一些鼻音滲透限制，分別規範音節內以及跨音節的鼻音擴散，對於方言現象則以限制的順位不同來解釋。我們企圖在音節內以及跨音節兩個範疇採取一貫的理論分析，並證明限制基礎分析和優選理論模式的優越性。
　　　　　This paper examines the nasal spreading, an interesting phenomenon in Taiwanese, where a nasal feature spreads throughout the syllable when it is specified in the nucleus, but which cannot spread beyond the coda where the nasal feature is specified. Many arguments have been published for explaining the asymmetry of the nasal spreading in Taiwanese, such as rightward spreading theory (Li 1992), leftward spreading theory (Wang 1997), downward spreading theory (Ang 1996), and percolation theory (Chung 1996). All of these theories are based on a rule-based analysis, which cannot explain all such nasal spreading behavior in Taiwanese, and this is the motivation for this paper's reanalysis based on the constraint-based analysis and OT model. The downward spreading theory is elegant but cannot explain cross-syllable spreading, where the nasal feature spreads upward to the nucleus of unstressed syllables. The percolation theory is insightful, but Chung divided a syllable into two domains, [CV] and [-C], which cannot cover the nasal spreading from nucleus to coda. In this paper, the nasal domains are redefined in a hierarchical structure, and it is argued that the nasal feature specified in nucleus percolates throughout the syllable that is m-commanded by nucleus, and that nasal specified in coda percolates only in the domain that is m-commanded by coda. Under this head-government hypothesis, three constraints are set as follow, (1) two constraints of alignment: ALICN(N,L), ALIGN(N,R) to define nasal domains; (2) two percolation constraints: C-V N.H and *-vC to ensure the nasal feature spreads throughout but not beyond its own domain, (3) two faithfulness constraints: SURVIVE NAS and NASDEP to identify the nasal realization from underlying to surface, and (4) an opacity constraint *c- to inhibit voiceless obstruents from being nasalized. Then these constraints are ranked in their cruciality, and many candidates of different forms are valuated in tableaux respectively, whereby ill forms are filtered out and the unique well form is elected. The OT analysis of Taiwanese nasal percolation supports the argument that all constraints are violable, and that for a well-formed one, minimal violation is acceptable instead of total lack of violation. The second part of this paper deals with the nasal spreading across syllables, where a nasal feature spreads only rightward but not leftward. For this directionality, Chung 1996 argued that it is 'spreading' but not 'percolation'. But it is difficult to explain why a same nasal feature 'percolates' within a syllable, but 'spreads' across a syllable. It is argued consistently in this paper that trans-syllabic spreading is essentially also percolation, that is, a stressed syllable opens its right boundary barrier to followed unstressed syllables, which get incorporated into the stressed syllable along with the percolated nasal feature from it. Trans-syllabic constraints are almost the same as those for inner- syllabic percolation, except those about the expanding of percolation domain to an XP, and about the opacity of obstruents and stressed syllables. So it is necessary to replace the right hand alignment constraint by ALIGN(N, XPR), the opacity constraint of obstruents by *c, and to add an opacity constraint for stressed syllables:*?. The last part of the paper deals with variations in nasal spreading, which have been disregarded, or regarded as exceptions by traditional linguists. In fact, a dialectal variation or a strange phonetic realization can be explained by different ranking of constraints in OT theory. In this paper, all changes in ranking have motivation, which have caused different people to adopt different strategies to avoid generating ill-formed syllables in order to obey more highly ranked constraints, or to accept sporadic ill forms. For example, for the Japanese loanword 'manga' (cartoon), some people pronounce [ba?31,ga11] to avoid violating the *-vC constraint, but some people pronounce [ma?31ga11] to obey the SURVIVENAS constraint to conserve the underlying Japanese source-pronunciation, in which [ma?] is an ill-formed syllable in Taiwanese.
期刊論文
1.李壬癸(19890900)。閩南語喉塞音尾性質的檢討。中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊，60(3)，487-492。new window  延伸查詢new window
2.McCarthy, John J.、Prince, A. L.(1990)。Foot and Word in Prosodic Morphology: the Arabic Broken Plural。Natural Language and Linguistic Theory，8(2)，209-284。  new window
3.Chen, Matthew Y.(1987)。The syntax of Xiamen tone sandhi。Phonology Yearbook，4，109-150。  new window
4.鍾榮富(1995)。優選論與漢語的音系。國外語言學，1995(3)，1-14。  延伸查詢new window
5.董同龢(19591000)。四個閩南方言。中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊，30(下)，729-1042。new window  延伸查詢new window
6.王旭(1997)。以觀念形成實驗檢測臺閩語的次音節單位。清華學報，27(1)，1-15。new window  延伸查詢new window
7.岩田禮、Sawashima, M.、Hirose, H.、Niimi, S.(1979)。Laryngeal Adjustment of Fukienese Stop - Initial Plosives and Final Applosives。Annual Bulletin of the Research Institute of Logopedics and Phoniatrics，13，61-81。  new window
8.岩田禮(1984)。南部中國語の音節末閉鎖音。言語研究，87，21-39。  延伸查詢new window
9.王旭(1997)。以觀念形成實驗檢測臺閩語的次音節單位。清華學報，新27(1)，1-15。new window  延伸查詢new window
10.岩田禮(1984)。南部中國語ノ音節末閉鎖音。言語研究，87，21-39。  延伸查詢new window
11.洪惟仁(2000)。漢語送氣音與鼻音衍化的動機與類型。聲韻論叢，9，667-717。new window  延伸查詢new window
12.岩田禮(1979)。Laryngeal Adjustment of Fukienese Stop-Initial Plosives and Final Applosives。Ann. Bull. RILP，13，61-81。  new window
會議論文
1.Wang, H. S.(1995)。Nasality as an autosegment in Taiwanese。First International Symposium on Languages in Taiwan。Taipei：Crane。513-529。  new window
2.洪惟仁(1995)。閩南語輕聲及其語法、語用分析。臺北。  延伸查詢new window
3.洪惟仁(1996)。從閩南語聲母的鼻化、去鼻化看漢語的音節類型。新竹。  延伸查詢new window
4.洪惟仁(1997)。閩南語濁音與鼻音的互補分佈。泉州。  延伸查詢new window
5.洪惟仁(1998)。臺灣話虛實語素在不同詞彙結構位置中的音長。臺北。  延伸查詢new window
6.洪惟仁(1999)。漢語、閩南語的鼻音音節類型。沒有紀錄。  延伸查詢new window
7.蕭宇超(1996)。從臺語音節連併到音韻、構詞與句法的互動：老問題、新角度。0。356-374。  延伸查詢new window
8.王旭、Derwing, Bruce L.(1999)。Is Taiwanese s 'BODY' Language?。沒有紀錄。  延伸查詢new window
9.王旭(1998)。The perception of nasality in Taiwan Min syllables。沒有紀錄。  new window
10.王旭(1998)。A concept formation experiment on the nasality of vowels in Taiwan Min。The Sixth International Symposium on Chinese Language and Linguistics，(會議日期: July 14-16, 1998)。沒有紀錄：Academia Sinica。new window  new window
11.洪惟仁(1998)。臺灣話虛實語素在不同詞彙結構位置中的音長。臺北。  延伸查詢new window
12.洪惟仁(1999)。漢語、閩南語的鼻音音節類型。香港。  延伸查詢new window
13.蕭宇超(1996)。從臺語音節連併到音韻、構詞與句法的互動：老問題、新角度。臺北。356-374。  延伸查詢new window
研究報告
1.McCarthy, John J.、Prince, Alan(1986)。Prosodic Morphology。Piscataway：Center for Cognitive Science, Rutgers University。  new window
2.洪惟仁(1989)。臺灣北部閩南語方言調查研究報告。沒有紀錄。  延伸查詢new window
3.洪惟仁(1989)。臺灣北部閩南語方言調查研究報告。臺北。  延伸查詢new window
學位論文
1.Levin, Juliette(1985)。A metrical theory of syllabicity(博士論文)。Massachusetts Institute of Technology。  new window
2.林燕慧(1989)。An autosegmental treatment of Chinese segments(博士論文)。University of Texas，Austin。  new window
3.Lin, Yen-Hwei(1989)。Autosegmental treatment of segmental processes in Chinese phonology(博士論文)。University of Texas at Austin，Austin, TX。  new window
4.張屏生(1996)。同安方言及其部分相關方言的語音調查和比較(博士論文)。國立臺灣師範大學。new window  延伸查詢new window
5.鄭曉峰(1997)。孔夫方言調查報告(碩士論文)。國立清華大學。  延伸查詢new window
6.黃慧娟(1997)。Transparency and Opacity in Place and Nasal Assimilation，0。  new window
7.黃慧娟(1997)。Transparency and Opacity in Place and Nasal Assimilation。  new window
圖書
1.Goldsmith, John A.(1990)。Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology。Indiana University Linguistics Club。Indiana：Bloomington。  new window
2.Karlgren, Bernhard(1940)。中國音韻學研究。中國音韻學研究。上海。  延伸查詢new window
3.Bernhardt, Babara Handford、Stemberger, Joseph Paul(1998)。Handbook of Phonological Development: From the Perspective of Constraint-Based Non-linear Phonology。Academic Press。  new window
4.Archangeli, Diana、Langendoen, D. Terence(1997)。Optimality Theory: an Overview。Blackwell Publishers。  new window
5.李壬癸(1992)。閩南語鼻音問題。中國境內的語言暨語言學（第一輯）漢語方言。臺北：中央研究院歷史語言研究所。  延伸查詢new window
6.Karlgren, Bernhard、趙元任(1940)。中國音韻學研究。長沙：商務印書館。  延伸查詢new window
7.Selkirk, Elisabeth O.(1982)。The Syntax of Words。Cambridge, Massachusetts：MIT Press。  new window
8.Duanmu, San(2000)。The Phonology of Standard Chinese。Oxford University Press。  new window
9.洪惟仁(1996)。臺灣話音韻入門：附台灣十五音字母。臺北：國立復興劇藝實驗學校。  延伸查詢new window
10.Kenstowicz, Michael J.(1994)。Phonology in Generative Grammar。Cambridge, Massachusetts。  new window
11.Katamba, Francis(1989)。An Introduction to Phonology。Longman Inc.。  new window
12.鄭良偉、鄭謝淑娟(1977)。臺灣福建話的語音結構及標音法。臺灣學生書局。new window  延伸查詢new window
13.鍾榮富(1996)。The Segmental Phonology of Southern Min in Taiwan。臺北市：文鶴。new window  延伸查詢new window
14.盧淑美(1977)。臺灣閩南語音韻研究。文史哲出版社。  延伸查詢new window
15.Duran, Jacques、Katamba, Fracis(1995)。Frontiers of Phonology。Longman。  new window
16.雲惟利(1987)。海南島方言。澳門：東亞大學出版。  延伸查詢new window
17.Goldsmith, John A.(1990)。Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology。Basil Blackwell。  new window
18.洪惟仁(2000)。漢語送氣音與鼻音衍化的動機與類型。聲韻論叢，9。臺北。  延伸查詢new window
19.McCarthy, J. J.、Prince, A. L.(1998)。Prosodic Morphology。The Handbook of Morphology。沒有紀錄。  new window
20.Bernhardt, Barbara Handford、Stemberger, Joseph Paul(1998)。Handbook of Phonological Development。Handbook of Phonological Development。  new window
21.陳淵泉(1987)。The Syntax of Xiamen tone Sandhi Phonology。The Syntax of Xiamen tone Sandhi Phonology。  new window
22.McCarthy, John J.、Prince, A. L.(1998)。Prosodic Morphology。The handbook of morphology。Oxford。  new window
其他
1.Pan, Ho-Hsien(1997)。The Salience of Nasal cues to the Perception of Taiwanese Voiced Stop and Nasals，0。  new window
2.洪惟仁(1995)。閩南語輕聲及其語法、語用分析，臺北。  延伸查詢new window
3.洪惟仁(1996)。從閩南語聲母的鼻化、去鼻化看漢語的音節類型，新竹。  延伸查詢new window
4.洪惟仁(1997)。閩南語濁音與鼻音的互補分佈，泉州。  延伸查詢new window
5.Pan, Ho-hsien(1997)。The Salience of Nasal cues to the Perception of Taiwanese Voiced Stop and Nasals。  new window
6.王旭，Derwing, Bruce L.。Is Taiwanese‘s ‘BODY’ Language?。  new window
7.王旭(1998)。The perception of nasality in Taiwan Min syllables，Stanford。  new window
8.王旭(1998)。A concept formation experiment on the nasality of vowels in Taiwan Min，Taipei。new window  new window
圖書論文
1.Tung, J. C.(1988)。Nasality and orthography。The Structure of Taiwanese: a modern synthesis。Taipei：The Crane Publishing Co. Ltd.。  new window
2.林燾(1990)。探討北京話輕音性質的初步實驗。語音探索集稿。北京：北京語言學院出版社。  延伸查詢new window
3.董昭輝(1992)。Three ways of Treating Nasality in Southern Min。中國境內的語言暨語言學--第一輯漢語方言。臺北：中央研究歷史語言研究所。  延伸查詢new window
4.嚴田禮(19930000)。漢語方言入聲音節的生理特徵--兼論入聲韻尾的歷時變化。中國境內語言暨語言學。臺北：中央研究院歷史語言研究所出版品編輯委員會。new window  延伸查詢new window
 
 
 
 
第一頁 上一頁 下一頁 最後一頁 top
:::
無相關著作
 
無相關點閱
 
QR Code
QRCODE

臺灣人文及社會科學引文索引資料庫

目前上線人數：1410（臺灣：1403，外國：7） ／ 本年度總使用人次：2488187 ／ 訪客人次（自102年09月）：68301304
國家圖書館著作權聲明 Copyright © 2013 All rights reserved.
本館地址: 100201臺北市中山南路20號． 本館地圖及交通資訊．
總機：(02)23619132．最佳瀏覽解析度為1024x768以上