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題名:英語、漢語與台灣閩南語之訊息結構:雙賓動詞論元體現探析
作者:胡佳音
作者(外文):Hu, Chia-yin
校院名稱:國立清華大學
系所名稱:語言學研究所
指導教授:連金發
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2015
主題關鍵詞:訊息結構雙賓動詞論元體現英語漢語閩南語Information StructureDitransitive ObjectsArgument RealizationEnglishMandarin ChineseSouthern Min
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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雙賓動詞及相關構式在語言學研究中一直備受重視。前人研究著重此類動詞的範疇與分類,也深入探究個別動詞參與句式的限制條件。然而,過去研究大多針對單句進行分析,缺乏上下文語境,無法對雙賓句式所聯繫的語用、篇章功能以及論元隱現提出解釋。本研究以語料庫為本,探究英語、漢語及台灣閩南語之雙賓動詞在面對面交談中的論元體現。針對直接賓語與間接賓語隱現以及常出現的構式、句法位置進行數據統計,討論對話篇章中的訊息結構對直接賓語、間接賓語前後順序與隱現與否之影響。
本論文提出三個主要研究結果。首先,研究發現顯性雙賓論元之前後順序顯示了不同的訊息狀態。同時,英語、漢語及台灣閩南語存在跨語言之差異。當英語直接賓語指涉的對象為聽話者所熟知,則出現在與格構式;若直接賓語陳述新訊息,則出現在雙及物構式。漢語及台灣閩南語的直接賓語在陳述新訊息時,可能出現在雙及物構式或與格構式,但陳述舊訊息時,則出現在主題句、賓語提前句式,或處置式。整體來說,顯性雙賓論元之前後順序在英語、漢語及台灣閩南語皆遵守「從舊到新」的先後順序。差異在於,英語雙賓受詞的新舊訊息的排列維持在動詞詞組內,但漢語及台灣閩南語則超出動詞詞組,更可能跨越句子範疇。這顯示探究訊息結構時,應以跨句的篇章研究為考察對象,而非侷限於個別句式的範疇中。同時,唯以面對面交談的跨句研究才能探知說話者、聽話者交談過程中,由於訊息成分的改變,造成的表層形式改變。其二,探究面對面交談語料發現,即便是一般認為不允許隱性論元的英語,當句中某論元角色相較於其他角色更為不重要,說話者便可能以空形式呈現此論元角色。最後,本文對於英語、漢語及台灣閩南語雙賓動詞論元體現進行的跨語言比較研究顯示了重要的類型學特徵。英語為綜合性語言,將多個語意成分濃縮在單一詞素中;漢語、台灣閩南語則為分析性語言,不同詞素表達個別語意成分。此外,英語為主語顯著語言,漢語、台灣閩南語則為主題顯著語言。因此,在對談時,漢語、台灣閩南語的直接賓語常以其他動詞引介,呈現主題鏈。
本文認為,以言談提供上下文訊息的研究,能補足以個別句子為主體的語法分析,因此語言研究應強調跨越語句之間的藩籬。傳達相同真假值的命題,在說話者、聽話者之間對話進行過程中,可能因為論元指涉對象的訊息流動因而改變表層形式。因此,跨句分析能在訊息結構研究中扮演重要角色。以言談分析為重心,並以語言溝通功能原則為本位的語言學研究也能為語言教學與教材設計提供更貼近真實情境之語言材料。此外,跨語言比較之研究結果也能提供語言學習者更清楚認知母語與目標語相同與差異之處。
This dissertation investigates the discourse-pragmatic properties of ditransitive constructions in English, Mandarin Chinese (MC) and Taiwanese Southern Min (TSM) based on argument realization patterns of the ditransitive objects in discourse contexts. The specific focuses are on the conditioning factors of two linguistic phenomena: word ordering variation and argument omission. Three main corpus-based observations are developed.
The first observation concerns the cross-linguistic differences in the grammatical packaging of the direct objects (DOs) and the indirect objects (IOs) of ditransitive verbs. Specifically, the favored positions of overt objects were found to be largely conditioned by the informational-statuses they carry. In English, the Double Object Construction (DOC) introduces Discourse-New DOs, while the Prepositional Dative Construction (PDC) introduces Discourse-Old DOs. In MC and TSM, on the other hand, Discourse-New DOs occur in both the DOC and the PDC, while Discourse-Old DOs occur in preverbal positions, including Topicalization, Object Fronting, and Disposal Construction. While the observed sequential orderings of the ditransitive objects concur with the general discourse principle known as the Given-Before-New Principle (Gundel 1988), the discourse-oriented languages MC and TSM show more discourse-sensitivity than English does. Moreover, the Old vs. New sequencing in English is more likely to be restricted within VP, while that in MC and TSM tend to go across VP boundary, forming a well-structured Topic Chain.
The second observation concerns phonologically unsaturated fragments. Contra to the traditional prescriptive view that English, which is a non-pro-drop language, does not allow zero pronominals in the argument positions of finite clauses, under closer observation, the data reveals that even in English, ditransitive arguments carrying Hearer-Old, Discourse-Old or Inferrable information can surface as zero anaphora, given that recoverability of unexpressed elements can be carried out by addressees provided with sufficient background or discourse information. This indicates the significant role that information structure plays in the surface argument realization of nominal objects.
Finally, typological characteristics have been observed in two perspectives. The first one is synthetic vs. analytic distinction; the second is Subject-prominence vs. Topic-prominence. It was found that the contrast between TSM and MC (analytic languages) as oppose to E (synthetic language) is characterized by the profile of manner, purpose, and directionals in TSM and MC. Moreover, in MC, and particularly TSM, overt DOs tend to be pre-introduced by a verb or preposition, and be semantically associated with a number of verbs in a serial verb construction, maintaining a Topic Chain. This reflects the important typological characteristics of MC and TSM: Topic-prominent.
In sum, the empirical description of the surface realization patterns of ditransitive objects in face-to-face conversation presented in this dissertation shows that ditransitive verbs and constructions serve as an ideal conduit for the study of information structure. While in the conceptual structure, three participants are involved in transfer events, in actual language use, speakers can choose to highlight or background the participants with varying informational-statuses by implicitly or explicitly expressing them as well as by ordering them in a certain way. More importantly, the significant role that information structure plays in argument realization is difficult to be observed in the absence of discourse context, as the interrelationships among nominal objects go beyond sentence level. Only by examining a domain larger than single sentences can a linguist discover the rich discourse constraints licensing the distribution of null arguments. The dissertation shows how information structure, among other factors, affects both the linear sequencing and the (c)overtness of ditransitive objects.
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