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題名：宜蘭縣泰雅語音韻研究
作者：陳銀玲
作者(外文)：Chen, Yin-Ling
校院名稱：國立清華大學
系所名稱：語言學研究所
指導教授：黃慧娟
學位類別：博士
出版日期：2011
主題關鍵詞：泰雅語；元音弱化；元音刪除；元音融合；音節丟失；優選理論；Atayal；vowel reduction；vowel deletion；coalescence；syllable loss；Optimality Theory
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本論文調查台灣宜蘭縣境內三個泰雅語方言：南山、四季及武塔。目的有二。其一為報導新語料，其二乃是將語料做適切分析。
宜蘭泰雅語在文獻上受到的注意向來較少。因此本研究首先歸納子音的分佈限制，並且強調：雖然有基底形式的滑音，但並非每個表面形式的滑音都具有基底地位。其次，本文就長期以來受到關注的音節議題發揮(Egerod 1965a，李壬癸1980，何德華1992及黃慧娟 2006d)，認為韻步之外的弱元音，有其音韻地位（黃慧娟 2006d)；韻步之外的弱元音來自於元音弱化，而非子音串之間的語音表現。本文認為，此一音韻事實可用優選理論(McCarthy and Prince 1993)加以捕捉，制約排序為：*Complex >> Foot-Bin >> *Full Vowel (Foot) (不可有完整元音在韻步之外) >> Parse-Syllable >> *(?\)(不可有弱元音在韻步之內)。此制約暗示：在多音節的語料當中，韻步之外元音的存在為必要，否則為了減少Parse-Syllable的違反，元音刪除是必然的結果，然而這會造成複輔音並且違反這些方言的基本音韻原則。反過來說，如果不違反基本音韻原則，為了減少Parse-Syllable的違反，元音刪除則為必要。此理論預測跟語言事實吻合，因為在元音－滑音的音串中，元音刪除的確發生。
更進一步的相關議題是元音融合及音節刪除。在單詞素的語料中，音韻位置是主導融合是否發生的關鍵：詞尾的元音－滑音串不會進行融合，但是詞中的元音－滑音串一定要進行融合，否則就會造成詞中韻尾而違反基本音韻原則。在複詞素的語料中，高元音結尾的詞幹可能會進行滑音化或融合，而低元音結尾的詞幹在武塔方言中進行融合。四季方言卻出現子音保留（或子音加插）的現象，其目的似乎是為了避免複雜的元音串。南山方言則介於武塔與四季之間；南山方言採用了多元的方式，以避免零聲母的音韻結構。最後，武塔方言會進一步將/aj, aw/變成/ej, ow/，是因為該方言對於韻核中的結構要求更嚴格。
音節刪除則是制約重新排序的結果：Parse-Syl >> Max-OO。本文認為，有三個因素主導制約重新排序：聲母及韻核之間的響度距離、聲母的語音顯著度及聲母的發音部位。雖然並非每個倒數第三音節及其之前的音節都會被刪除，被刪除的音節卻都出現在韻步之外，顯示韻步劃分之後，音韻位置也主導了音節的保護或刪除。
This research investigates three Atayal dialects, namely Pyanan Squliq, Skikun C?真li? and Mtla?靠n C?真li? in Ilan prefecture, northwest Taiwan. The purpose is two-fold. One is to present new data and the other to provide formal accounts.
Due to the under-described status of Ilan Atayal dialects in the literature, this research first of all generalizes the consonantal distribution of each dialect and argues that although there are underlying glides, not every surface glide has its underlying status. What follows is the discussion of the long term debate on the phonological or phonetic status of the schwa between consonants, i.e., galu? + an ‘sympathize + LV’--> [g?\lu?畝n], (Egerod (1965a), Li (1980), Rau (1992) and H. Huang (2006d)). Following Huang (2006d), this thesis argues that the schwa actually has its phonological status; what really happens outside the rightmost foot is vowel reduction, rather than vowel deletion.
Such an empirical fact of vowel reduction is argued to be best explained by *Complex (against onset clusters) >> Foot-Bin >> *Full Vowel (Foot) (against full vowels outside the foot) >> Parse-Syllable >> *(?\) (against schwas within the foot) in the framework of Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Prince (1993)). The implication of such a constraint ranking is that a cripple vowel, or a schwa is necessary between the otherwise consonant clusters of polysyllabic input. A further prediction is that to best satisfy Parse-Syl, total vowel deletion is also possible if doing so does not lead to violations of phonotactics, which is fully supported by data with vowel-glide sequences.
Extended issues involve vowel coalescence and syllable loss. In monomorphemic data, although word-final off-glides remain intact from coalescence, word-internal off-glides however undergo coalescence without exceptions, due to Max-IO-C, Max-IO-μ and *Comp-PV (against complex postvocalic segments). In polymorphemic data where vowel sequences occur at morpheme boundaries, high-vowel-ended stems either undergo gliding or coalescence in these dialects, whereas a-ended stems undergo coalescence in Mtla?靠n. Further changes of /aj, aw/ to [ej, ow] in Mtla?靠n are due to the dialect-specific constraint that bans sharp falling sonority in the nucleus domain. Corresponding data in Skikun, instead of undergoing coalescence, presents /l/ preservation (or /l/ insertion) to avoid the complication of vowel sequences at morpheme boundaries, and Pyanan behaves as an in-between case, suggesting the diversity of repair strategies of Onset violations for vowel-vowel sequences.
Syllable loss is argued to result from the constraint reranking: Parse-Syl >> Max-OO and there are three factors that govern the application of this new grammar, namely the sonority distance between the onset and the nucleus, phonetic cues and the markedness hierarchy of place features of the onsets. Although not every prepenultimate syllable undergoes syllable loss, every lost syllable stands outside the prosodic foot, suggesting that there are positional faithfulness constraints that can properly protect the segments inside the foot after footing.
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