本文探討臺灣閩南語和客語同類型的使成述補結構―「 V予伊／分佢 R」（R表結果補語 resultative complement），旨在分析其中第三人稱代詞的「伊／佢」的虛指用法，並查究其形成的經過和原因。文章首先說明這一類構式具有表說話者目的及處置的語義特性，繼而闡述「伊／佢」的指稱情形：當 R的語義指向 V的受事或前文已提過的名詞性成分時，「伊／佢」的語義相對比較實在；若 R的語義指向動詞或施事主語，「伊／佢」的指代性便隨之減弱，甚或消失。 參酌歷史上同源結構的用法得以推知，閩、客語「伊／佢」的虛化應是由於「V 予伊／分佢 R」格式的類推作用所致： R由原本受事取向的成分，擴展至主語及動詞取向，而「伊／佢」的指稱意涵也隨之泛化，此時虛指代詞「伊／佢」的存在顯然是為了填補句法結構上的空缺所設。另值得一提的是，閩、客語「 V予伊／分佢 R」所表達的語義頗能與普通話的「 V他（一）個 R」格式相比附。其原因除了它們皆與雙賓結構密切相關之外，還因為第三身代詞的使用，充分體現了言者的主觀性。

This article discusses the causative verb-complement constructions “V hoo yi R” in Taiwanese Southern Min and “V pun gi R” in Taiwanese Hakka, analyzing the dummy usages of the third-person pronouns yi/gi and tracing their origins. (Here, “R” stands for a resultative complement.) The construction signifies the speaker’s intention and disposal. The referentiality of yi/gi is rather stable when R semantically refers to the patient or any noun phrase in the prior discourse; however, the referentiality weakens when R semantically refers to the agent or the action verb. The cognate constructions of “V hoo yi R / V pun gi R” in history show that the grammaticalization of yi/gi results from analogy. The R in this “V hoo yi R / V pun gi R” construction only referred to the patient at first, but later the verb-referring and the agent-referring R constructions were allowed. The referentiality of yi/gi in both constructions weakened, and the dummy yi/gi inserted were simply to fill a grammatical slot. Equally noticeable is the semantic comparability of “V hoo yi R / V pun gi R” and “V ta (yi) ge R” in Mandarin Chinese, which can be ascribed to their double object constructions and the use of the third-person pronouns yi/gi/ta that signify the speaker’s subjectivity.