A discussion of potential future cross-Strait political negotiations must first address the question of who would be negotiating with whom. This question involves issues of subjectivity and identity. Who are the subjects of the negotiation and what are their identities? Subjectivity and identity are interdependent. Subjectivity determines identity while identity reflects subjectivity outwardly. In other words, identity derives from the subject. Only after determining the subjects of a negotiation can their identities be constituted. But the identity of the subject of a negotiation cannot be determined solely by the subject itself. A negotiation can proceed only after this identity has been recognized and accepted by the other party to the negotiation. This requirement for mutual recognition in turn affects each side's identification of the subjects of the negotiation. Therefore, the identity of the negotiating parties reflects their subjectivity. The identity of a negotiating entity reflects the type of subject it is. This paper first examines relevant documents to analyze the identity and subjectivity of the negotiating parties in standard international negotiations between Taiwan and foreign countries and in executive-delegate format negotiations between Taiwan and China. This analysis suggests that while both the international and executive-delegate formats have ensured the subjectivity and identity of the negotiating parties, cross-Strait executive-delegate negotiations have been overly de-governmentalized and therefore this format cannot serve as a model for future political negotiations between Taipei and Beijing. To address this problem, this study developed four possible subject-identity types for the negotiating entities, such as "state as subject, leader as identity", and eight possible cross-Strait agreements, including a unification agreement. A survey of 80 experts on cross-Strait relations in Taiwan and Mainland China was conducted to identify preferences with respect to the subjectivity and identity of the negotiating parties and the substance of potential agreements. Statistical analysis of the survey data shows opposition from the other side would preclude negotiations for either unification or Taiwan independence, but that the possibility exists for the two sides to negotiate an agreement to "integration" or to "maintain the status quo until eventual unification", though such negotiations would be highly contentious. The study suggests that negotiations conducted in a "government as subject, leader as identity" format would have the best chance of garnering acceptance by both sides.