國際體系轉型下中國與歐盟外交關係之發展與磨合__臺灣人文及社會科學引文索引資料庫

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題名：	國際體系轉型下中國與歐盟外交關係之發展與磨合
作者：	葉怡君
作者(外文)：	Yi-chun Yeh
校院名稱：	國立中山大學
系所名稱：	大陸研究所
指導教授：	周世雄
學位類別：	博士
出版日期：	2005
主題關鍵詞：	經貿利益；新現實主義；中國—歐盟關係；普世價值；國際體系；International System；RPC-EU Relations；Neo-Realism；Economic and Trade Interests；Universal Value
原始連結：	連回原系統網址
相關次數：	被引用次數:期刊(3) 博士論文(2) 專書(0) 專書論文(0) 排除自我引用:2 共同引用:0 點閱:40

相較於冷戰期間的兩極化國際體系，後冷戰時期有不同的表現，形成「一超多強」之體系。這也使得許多國家外交政策隨之調整。其中，本論文藉由新現實主義與新自由主義，特別關注於中國與歐洲聯盟之雙邊關係。
雖然中國與歐體早在1975年即簽訂建交協議，1978年簽署《歐洲經濟共同體與中華人民共和國貿易協定》，但是雙邊關係並不緊密。歐洲聯盟於1990年代初期，在政治、經濟等多重因素考量下，重新體會到亞洲和中國之重要性。對於中國，在1995年發表《中國－歐洲關係長期政策》文件後，於1998、2000、2001、2002、2003年都曾發表相關文件，並提升中國為全球六大戰略伙伴之一。另外，同時透過政治與人權對話、經濟和貿易關係、合作計畫之三大途徑來達成其所規劃之中國政策目標。
中國在1990年代初期優異的經濟表現吸引了歐盟關注，逐漸對中國表現出友好態度，中國對在追求經濟發展和國際地位提昇之國家發展目標下，亦樂於接受。中國在國家內部和對外皆做出許多彈性調整以發展與歐盟的友好關係。
雖然，在後冷戰時期，雙邊關係迅速提升，以2004年為例，歐盟已超越美國，成為中國的第一大貿易伙伴。然而，中國對於歐盟重視的人權問題等有所堅持。所以，「經貿利益」是雙邊「志同道合」之處，為合作的第一優先領域。但是，「普世價值利益」和「戰略利益」卻呈現「同床異夢」現象，有不同重視程度。
另外，從瓦茲的新現實主義來看，重視國際體系的系統理論和國家利益角度雖可適用於本論文研究主題，但是卻難以解釋未正式形成的權力平衡、經濟和合作等局面；相反的，新自由主義可說明中國與歐盟間重視經貿往來、合作、制度等現象，但對於二戰後的中、歐長期關係，以及雙方為互賴或依賴關係的詮釋卻出現侷限性。因此，單一理論都難以具有完美的解釋性。

以文找文

In the Post-Cold War era, the shape of international system has been changing into the “One Super Power with Multiple Powers” which differs from the “Bipolar System” in the Cold War era. Due to the new situation, states have to adjust their foreign policies. This thesis, based on theories of Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism, is focused on the bilateral foreign relations between PRC and European Union (EU).
The diplomatic relations established between PRC and EC in 1975 and the “EC-China Trade and Cooperation Agreement” in 1978 did not help to tighten the bilateral relations in the Cold War era. Considering the multi-faced factors such as economy and politics, etc., EU finally realized the importance of the Asia and PRC in the early 1990s. Since 1995, EU had announced six documents regarding its China policy: “A Long Term Policy for China-Europe Relations” in 1995, “Building a Comprehensive Partnership with China” in 1998, “Report on the Implementation of the Communication "Building a Comprehensive Partnership with China" COM(1998)181” in 2000, “EU Strategy towards China: Implementation of the 1998 Communication and Future Steps for a More Effective EU Policy” in 2001, “Country Strategy Paper 2002-2006” in 2002, and “A Maturing Partnership - Shared Interests and Challenges in EU-China Relations” in 2003. EU upgraded PRC to be one of six global strategic partners in 2003. To carry out its China policy, EU appealed to political and human rights dialogues, economic and trade relations, and EU-PRC cooperation.
PRC’s rapid economic growth in the early 1990s attracted EU’s attention. PRC, in pursuit of continuous economic development and enhancement of its international prominence, happily accepted the friendliness expressed by EU. In order to develop good relations with EU, PRC made flexible changes in terms of internal and external policies.
Despite the fact that the PRC-EU relations were significantly improved in the Post-Cold War era such as EU surpassed the US in 2004 as PRC’s greatest trade partner, some disagreements remained in the areas of human rights and economic interaction. Therefore, the common goal and priority of cooperation between PRC and EU was to pursue “economic and trade interests,” whereas “same bed, different dreams” continued in universal value and strategic interests because of difference emphases.
Both Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism have their limits in interpreting the overall situation between PRC and EU. Kenneth Waltz’s Neo-Realism, stressing the international system and national interests, is ideal for this thesis subject but can hardly explain the yet-to-be-established balance of power, economy and cooperation. On the contrary, the Neo-Liberalism perfectly interprets the economic and trade interaction, cooperation, and institution between PRC and EU, but is limited in detailing the long-term PRC-EU relations since WWII.

以文找文

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