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題名:台灣華語語者產製日語音高重音的實驗研究
作者:二鄉美帆
作者(外文):Nigo, Miho
校院名稱:國立清華大學
系所名稱:語言學研究所
指導教授:張月琴
謝豐帆
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2015
主題關鍵詞:第二語言習得日語重音台灣華語中介語文法母語遷移Second language acquisitionJapanese pitch accentTaiwanese MandarinInterlanguage grammarL1 transfer
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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本研究以台灣國語母語(L1)人士學習日語的重音為例,探討中介語文法如何運行在第二語言(L2)的韻律習得。此研究分別檢視了不同的音韻、構音結構(單純詞和複合詞),以及不同程度的日語學習者所產製的日語重音。
研究結果顯示不同的音韻和構音結構均會影響日語重音的配置。音韻結構包含(a)單字長度和(b)音節重量。重音在四音節以下的單字多落於倒數第二音節(penultimate),五音節以上單字則多為倒數第三音節(antepenultimate)。惟音節重量對於重音位置影響並不顯著,顯示台灣日語學習者並不嚴格恪守「音重隨重音」原則(Weight-to-Stress,Hayes 1995)。構詞方面的影響則表現在以下三點:(a)以N2為首的音節必定具有重音;(b)兩個詞素等同於兩個不同的韻律單字,一單字一重音(重音累加性,Culminativity);(c) 日語學習者喜以單純詞的重音規則取代複合詞的重音規則。除上述條件外,本研究也發現初級學習者的日語重音大致與中介語文法裡的基本規則相符,而進階學習者卻常將L2的重音特質進行過度(或錯誤)類化((mis-)overgeneralization)。
整體而言,本文認為L2的重音模式會同時受到L1節律參數(metrical parameters)、音韻規範(phonological principles)和語音特點(phonetic characteristics)的影響。此結論和Archibald (1997)所提出的理論相左,他認為若L1、L2分屬不同類型的重音系統,母語遷移的可能性幾近於零。在本研究中,L1為聲調語言,L2為重音音高語言,學習者的重音模式卻深受母語遷移的影響。除此之外,重音的過度類化常表現在日語的語音及音韻層次之上,形成階段性的發展模式,使得L2的重音配置具有因學習者而異的特色。
This study investigated how the interlanguage grammars work in the process of L2 prosodic acquisition by examining the L2 Japanese accent assignment by Taiwan Mandarin-speaking learners. We analyzed the effects of linguistic properties (phonological and morphological structures) on the L2 accent assignment by using monomorphemic and compound words. We also studied the difference in L2 accent patterns between the two groups of learners with more or less amount of learning experience.
The results revealed that both phonological and morphological structures affect the L2 accent pattern of Japanese words. Firstly, the findings regarding the influences of phonological structures are; (a) word length exerts effect on the accent assignment in that words with 4 or less syllables tend to be accented on penultimate syllable, while 5-syllable words prefer to put accents on antepenultimate syllable, (b) the role of syllable weight is not so salient as far as accent assignment is concerned, suggesting that Weight-to-Stress principle (Hayes 1995) is not strictly obeyed in L2 accent assignment by TM learners. Secondly, the effects of morphological structure on L2 accentuation were observed in the three points below: (a) N2-initial syllable attracts accents, (b) two morphemes are treated as two different prosodic words (one word has one accent, i.e, Culminativity), and (c) the same interlanguage grammar used in L2 accentuation of monomorphemic words applies in compound accentuation. Third, the (mis-)overgeneralization of L2 accent pattern appeared in the results of advanced learners, although the interlanguage grammar which determines the basic accent pattern remained the same as beginners.
Overall, the results of our study revealed that these accent patterns were determined integrately by the metrical parameters, phonological principles, and phonetic characteristics of the L1. Thus, it was confirmed that L1 transfer occurs even between the L1 and the L2 which are distinct in stress system (i.e., tone language and pitch-accent language). This result contradicts to Archibald’s (1997) claim that L1 transfer of metrical parameters does not occur among the L1 and the L2 which are typologically distinct in regard with stress system. Moreover, the developmental patterns were formed by the (mis-)overgeneralization of accent patterns which frequently occur in Japanese both on the phonetic and phonological levels, resulting in the L2 accent patterns idiosyncratic to the learners.
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