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題名:馬來西亞首相對中國及華人選民的身份認知:作為選舉策略的馬中關係
作者:孫天美
作者(外文):Soon Thean Bee
校院名稱:國立臺灣大學
系所名稱:政治學研究所
指導教授:石之瑜
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2019
主題關鍵詞:馬來西亞首相選舉中國華人
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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本論文先是採用「多元啟發論」檢視三位馬來西亞首相,利用與中共的關係在三場攸關政權延續的選舉,影響華人選票的作為是否犧牲了馬來西亞的國家利益;繼而採用「後華性」,檢視首相對中國及華人選民身份認知形成的途徑。本論文試圖回答的研究問題如下:(一)在1974年、1999年及2013年全國選舉前100天內,馬來西亞首相在與中共高官互動,有否犧牲國家利益以維護執政黨和首相的政權利益?(二)學界習以馬共解散作為分水嶺,認為在馬共解散前馬來西亞對中共抱持敵意,解散後則態度友善,不過馬來領導精英無論是在馬共解散前後,都曾對中共實施互為矛盾的作為及政策,究竟馬來精英是視中共為敵、為友還是敵友難分?(三)馬來領導人如何形成對中國及對馬來西亞華人的認識?馬中關係的既有研究層面,主要從區域主義、經濟、策略及歷史著手,卻未曾探討馬來西亞首相與中共的互動,受到他們自身對馬來西亞華人身份認知影響的事實,及促成這份認知的原因。本論文採文獻分析法及調查訪談法建立分析架構並發現:第一,縱使三任首相都曾引入中國因素,以期影響華人選民的投票意向,但依據「多元啟發論」的分析,首相們從來沒有為了維繫政權利益,徹底犧牲國家利益,而是在兩者之間尋找最能夠達到兩全其美的方法;第二,馬來西亞對中共的敵友認知,主要因應馬來領導人對中共的需求而定義,當前者把中國視為具主觀意志的異文明/意識形態時,中共就是敵;反之若把中國視為經濟資源時,中共就是朋友了;第三,三位首相對中國及對馬來西亞華人身份的認知,主要是透過「後華性」的「科學的華人性」途徑,僅有第六任首相納吉在「科學的華人性」之餘,面對中共時還有「漢學的華人性」。事實上,首相對中國和華人身份的認知皆相當表面,而這也正是首相在2013年選舉時打「中國牌」失效的原因。
This dissertation adopts the Poliheuristic theory to examine if the Malaysian Prime Ministers had sacrificed the national interests of Malaysia when they exploited the Malaysia-People Republic of China relations to affect the Malaysian Chinese voting behavior in the upcoming elections. Subsequently, this thesis applies the Post-Chineseness theory to study the approaches that the Prime Ministers took to understand China and the Malaysian Chinese identities. The research questions of this dissertation are: 1. Did the Prime Ministers sacrifice the national interest to secure the regime interest when they publicly interacted with the PRC leaders within hundred days before 1974, 1999, 2013 general election was held? 2. How did the Prime Ministers perceive the PRC? A friend, a foe or a frenemy? 3. How did the Prime Ministers perceive China and the Malaysian Chinese? What were the elements that contributed to such an understanding? Existing studies discussed the Malaysia-PRC relations from the aspect of regionalism, economy, strategy and history. In fact, the understanding of the Prime Ministers toward the Malaysian Chinese was as well affected the development of the Malaysia-PRC relations. Yet, this area has been long neglected, and so did the studies on the formation of such perception. This dissertation relies on documentary analysis and interviews to establish a framework to answer the questions. It discovers that: 1. The Prime Ministers did not entirely scarify national interests to maintain their regime interests. In fact, they endeavored to search options that could fulfil both interests. 2. When the Prime Ministers viewed China as a peculiar civilization with a subjective will, the PRC is a foe; when they viewed it as an economic resource, the PRC is a friend. 3. The understanding of the Prime Ministers toward the PRC and the Malaysian Chinese were through the lens of Scientific Chineseness, but Najib Razak, the sixth Prime Minister developed an additional understanding on the PRC, namely the Sinology Chineseness. Yet, the understanding of the Prime Ministers on China and the Malaysian Chinese were superficial. And this is the reason that the Prime Minister failed to regain the Malaysian Chinese votes in the 2013 although he met the PRC leader before the election.
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星洲日報,2016,〈納吉:馬哈迪控制慾強〉,星洲網頁,http://www.sinchew.com.my/node/1554396,2016/08/06。
星洲日報,2017,〈不少中企「嗅」到商機 馬中雙園成聚寶盆〉,星洲網頁,http://www.sinchew.com.my/node/1693673,2017/10/22。
南洋商報,1957a,〈中國宣佈承認馬來亞聯合邦 毛澤東周思來分致賀電〉, 8/31,5。
南洋商報,1957b,〈馬來亞獨立大典不邀請共產國家參加 東姑昨函巫統分部主
席〉,3/24,9。
南洋商報,1958,〈銀行業修正法案昨通過 在馬外國國營銀行三月內須停止營業三年內全部清理完畢 財長表示此類銀行可能威脅本邦經濟〉,12/5,9。
南洋商報,1959,〈中國銀行檳隆兩分行準備結束 星中行代言人不表示意見聯
合邦固定僑匯仍可轉由星行辦理〉,1/6,9。
南洋商報,1965,〈全國華族註冊社團代表大會議決 籲請各族加強團結 擁護東
姑支持國策 反對任何挑撥離間民族和睦陰謀 敦李孝式宣佈大會只討論規定 兩提案 並取列華文為官方語文案恕未能列入〉, 6/21,9。
南洋商報,1966,〈馬印對抗正式結束〉, 8/12,2。
南洋商報,1967a,〈東姑首相昨晚在國會重申 不能與中國建交 其政策圖控制東南亞小國 惟表示並不反對共產主義〉, 6/21,6。
南洋商報,1967b,〈馬來西亞政府昨日發表憲報號外 公佈九種官方用途 準許繼續使用英語 最高元首亦授權首相 允准其他場合用英語〉, 9/3,5。
南洋商報,1967c,〈六七年國語法令下月一日起在馬生效 國語為官語 英語
可沿用〉, 8/4,6。
南洋商報,1967d,〈國慶日首都兩項示威事件 警方共招捕十七名人士 檳城亦有三處示威遊行 勞工黨聲稱四黨員被捕〉, 9/2,6。
南洋商報,1967e,〈東姑表示大馬可能先在南國設立大使館辦事處 待至適當時
候然後派遺大使上任 馬來西亞與南斯拉夫雙方已同意 正式建立邦交 無須
再舉行談判 將儘速互派大使〉, 5/6,1。
南洋商報,1968a,〈東姑稱為安全計大馬準備 與各國簽約〉, 1/28,1。
南洋商報,1968b,〈敦拉薩宣佈英軍撤離後 馬將調整外交防務政策〉, 1/28,
1。
南洋商報,1968c,〈副揆形容局勢相當嚴重 邊境共黨活動 仍由陳平指揮 相信
與北京北越有連擊〉,7/3,1。
南洋商報,1969a,〈東姑闡明大馬外交政策 基於互相諒解和平共存 中國對大馬如無惡意 彼此可建立良好邦交 李總理欲派軍協助大馬 實為國防合作最佳保證〉,3/3,1。
南洋商報,1969b,〈東姑首相昨晚在北海春申中國倘表示友善可與馬建立邦交〉,3/20,1。
南洋商報,1969c,〈大馬元首緊急宣告 進入嚴重緊急狀態 政府有權將違犯戒嚴令者 將其驅逐出境或判處死刑〉,5/15,1。
南洋商報,1969d,〈聯盟重掌政權 優勢大為削弱 東姑將改組內閣 丹州仍為泛回天下 檳州落入民政手中 雪州形成平分秋色 霹州聯盟未及半數 行動黨取得國會13席 州議會31席〉,5/12,1。
南洋商報,1969e,〈大馬副首相敦拉薩昨日正式宣佈成立 國家行動理事會 負治
理全國安全 法律與條例將由敦拉薩簽署始能生效 郭陳修信披露隆市各銀行明日將營業〉, 5/18,1。
南洋商報,1970,〈敦拉薩首相發表政策聲明促進各民族親善創造一個單一的國家〉,9/23, 1。
南洋商報,1971a,〈首相聽柔州災情報告後 諭各縣長次助 災黎重建家園〉,
1/18, 5。
南洋商報,1971b,〈中國紅十字會捐50萬人民幣救濟馬水災難民 為迄今最大宗外國捐贈賑災〉,2/11, 5。
南洋商報,1971c,〈騷亂過後持續廿一個月緊急狀態解除 馬來西亞恢復國會民
主〉,2/21, 5。
南洋商報,1971d,〈中國紅十字會贈救濟品運抵巴生港口重百十入噸 值六十二
萬五千元〉,3/6, 5。
南洋商報,1973,〈馬中建交談判進行之際最好不要發表批評,敦拉薩表示欲與華建交係基於國家非政黨利益〉,7/17,5 。
南洋商報,1974a,〈馬中今日公佈正式建立邦交。拉薩首相謁見毛主席,並舉
行九十分鐘會談〉,5/31,5。
南洋商報,1974b,〈飛機場人頭攢洞 熱烈歡迎敦拉薩〉, 6/3,5。
南洋商報,1974c,〈九個政黨組成 國民陣線獲准註冊〉,6/4,5。
南洋商報,1974d,〈大馬最高元首頒佈 國會今日解散〉,7/31,5。
南洋商報,1974e,〈馬選舉委員會正式發出選舉狀 規定大選日期〉,7/31,5。
南洋商報,1974f,〈對馬中建交立場被歪曲 民主行動黨喊冤枉〉,8/20,5。
南洋商報,1993,〈大馬倡議「東亞經濟核心組織 中國明確支持 」,6/15,A4 。
南洋商報,1999a,〈成功克服經濟危機 朱鎔基指大馬方向正確〉,11/24,A1。
南洋商報,1999b,〈朱鎔基支持馬哈迪 改革國際金融體制〉,11/25,A2。
南洋商報,1999c,〈駐馬大使關登明希望首相訪華 落實中國銀行復辦〉,8/1,A5。
南洋商報,1999d,〈拉菲達指落地簽證 鼓勵中國商家來馬〉,8/21,A3。
南洋商報,1999e,〈對中國銀行復辦 朱鎔基不想多說〉,11/25,A4 。
南洋商報,1999f,〈堅持符合自己國情道路 中國贊馬不畏強權〉,8/20,A2 。
南洋商報,1999g,〈首相感謝人民幣不貶值 大馬堅持一個中國〉,8/19,A3 。
南洋商報,1999h,〈三不幽默曲 自嘲窮光蛋 朱鎔基果然幽默〉,11/25,A3。
亞洲周刊,2018,〈大馬選舉中國投資被政治化〉, https://www.yzzk.com/cfm/blogger3.cfm?id=1525922220509&author=%E6%9E%97%E5%8F%8B%E9%A0%86,2018/5/20。
原不二夫,2002,〈馬來亞共產黨與中國〉,《南洋資料譯叢》,4:26-39。
陳平,2004,〈我方的歷史〉,新加坡:Media Masters Pte Ltd.。
陳華昇,2013,〈中國大陸強化東協外交之戰略意涵:習近平與李克強出訪東南
之評析〉,《展望與探索》,11卷11期:22-29。
莊國土,2001,《華僑華人與中國的關係》,廣州市:廣東高等教育出版社。
孫本初,2005,〈如何撰寫一篇優質的碩博士論文〉,「撰寫碩博士論文與投稿
學術期刊論壇」,(6月8日),臺北:國立臺北大學公共行政暨政策學系。
崔貴強,2007,《新馬華人國家認同的轉向,1945-1959》(修訂卷),新加坡:南洋學會。
許德發,2009,〈「承認」的斗爭與華人的政治困擾〉,文平強、許德發(編),《勤歛興邦:馬來西亞華人的貢獻》,馬來西亞:華社研究中心,頁233-254。
黃鴻釗、潘興明(1996),《英國簡史》,臺北市:書林出版社。
賀艷青,2016,〈中國銀行在馬的歷史波折〉,《星洲日報》,http://www.sinchew.com.my/node/1538720,2016/06/19。
當今大馬,2006,〈馬哈迪:阿都拉愛打瞌睡、沒魄力〉,
https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/59199,2006/11/07。
當今大馬,2007a,〈46億醜聞歷來最大4年無下文 巴生港口自貿區外資撤淪鬼
城〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/71119,2007/08/13。
當今大馬,2007b,〈巴生港口自貿區醜聞:林良實將責任推給馬哈迪?〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/71662,2007/08/27。
當今大馬,2007c,〈大選將至重疊議席成棘手課題 民行公正黨分別成立談判隊伍〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/68815,2007/06/19。
當今大馬,2008a,〈「阿都拉是時候讓位給納吉」 馬哈迪:別找藉口多做18
年〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/77637,2008/01/30。
當今大馬,2008b,〈馬哈迪:經濟走廊只宣佈沒動工 轟國陣成績戰避重新輕回避問題〉,https://www-malaysiakini-com/news/78956,2008/03/01。
當今大馬,2008c,〈蔡細歷:我是性愛光碟主角 不辭部長職交首相定奪命運〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/76560,2008/01/01。
當今大馬,2008d,〈性愛光碟:絆倒了老蔡,也可能拖累菜鳥〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/letters/76563,2008/01/02。
當今大馬,2008e,〈「黨領袖上周通知我準備」 鄧章輝黑馬殺出 丁福南嗆聲〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/79036,2008/03/02。
當今大馬,2008f,〈許子根暗示選前不會公布首長 馬華候選人缺席國陣宣言推介禮〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/79098,2008/03/03。
當今大馬,2008g,〈民行公正黨昨日談判再觸礁 霹靂近打谷州議席僵持不下〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/77807,2008/02/05。
當今大馬,2008h,〈三大在野党筹组人民联盟 五州政府将统一施政方针〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/80685,2008/04/01。
當今大馬,2009a,〈空手出席獨中晚宴沒宣佈好消息 納吉盡談一個大馬及兒子
學華文〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/119841,2009/12/15。
當今大馬,2009b,〈納吉放寬資金市場限制吸引外資 廢外資會限制,撤30%土著股權〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/107491,2009/06/30。
當今大馬,2010,〈稱華人掌控經濟如曼聯獨大 依布拉欣阿里反對開放市場〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/126020,2010/03/08。
當今大馬,2012a,〈土權團拜派「白包」引起議論 三百人出席爭先恐後搶十元〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/187737,2012/01/29。
當今大馬,2012b,〈政府修改出版法允司法審核 印刷媒體無需每年更新准證〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/195300,2012/04/18。
當今大馬,2013,〈依布拉欣辯稱無意傷害基督徒 卡巴星報警查焚燒馬來聖經論〉,https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/219640,2013/01/22。
葉至誠、葉立誠,2002,《研究方法與論文寫作》(版2),臺北:商鼎文化出
版社。
曾少聰,2004,《漂泊與根植 當代東南亞華人族群關係研究》,北京市:中國社
會科學出版社。
楊建成,1982,〈馬來西亞華人的困境 – 西馬來西亞華巫政治關係之探討〉,台
北:文史哲出版社。
楊松年,2001,〈戰前新馬文學本地意識的形成與發展〉,《東南亞華人研究叢
書之一》,臺北:八方文化企業。
趙海立,2005,〈中馬關係及其前景:建構主義視角下的思考〉,《南洋問題研
究》, 123(3):14-20。
劉新生,2011,〈新中國建交談判實錄〉,上海;上海辭書出版社。
謝劍,2006,〈東南亞華人的認同問題:對R.J. Coughling雙重認同理論的再思
考〉,《台灣東南亞學刊》,3(2):3-18。
顏清湟著,李思涵譯,1982,《星馬華人與辛亥革命》。台北:聯經出版公司。
顏清湟著、李菲譯,2007,〈新加坡和馬來亞華僑的民族主義〉《從歷史角度看
海外華人社會變革》。新加坡:青年書局。
顧長永,2006,〈從區域的觀點看中國與馬來西亞政治經濟關係的變化〉,《南
洋問題研究》,126:19-27。


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參、馬來文部份
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