本文首先界定「語言接觸」這個概念，並經由此一界定指出臺式日語和臺灣國語階百年來在臺灣發生的兩個直接接觸實例。 　　　　語言接觸可以從語音、詞彙和語法三方面進行分析。本文因限於篇幅只擬分析語音方面的變異。在音韻方面，最大的特色是標準日語不能預測的高音重音在臺式日語被規則化了──高音一律落在倒數第二次音節上。本文指出這種規則化不可能是由於臺灣大多數人的母語──臺武閩南語的影響而產生的。它的發生可能是由於兩個因素的交互作用：其一是臺灣人學習日語為第二語言時簡化策略的運用，另一個則是以臺灣南島語為母語的原住民，先把日語的高音重音理解為與其母語對等之重音，並且根據日語高音重音頻率最高的類型把重音放在倒數第二次音節，然後再傳到平地的漢人而成為固定的形式。 　　在臺灣國語方面，本文分成聲、韻、調三方面在音位及次音位的層次拿國語與臺閩語來對比，並發現對比的結果可以用來解釋臺灣國語的許多現象。本文同時也發現兩種對比分析不能解釋的現象；其一是語言學習的社會環境以及教學方式所引起的；另一個則是社會語言學常見的「矯枉過正」現象。　

　　　　　This article discusses Taiwanized Japanese and Taiwan Mandarin as two instances of language contact that occurred in Taiwan over the past hundred years. While language contact occurs in three different aspects-phonology, lexicon and syntax-due to limited space, this paper deals only with the phonological aspect. In terms of the phonology of Taiwanized Japanese, the most prominent feature is regularization of placement of the high pitch, which in standard Japancese is unpredicatable. Taiwanized Japanese regularizes the high pitch by fixing it at the penultimate mora. We argue that this could not have been due to the influence of Taiwanese Minnan, the mother gongue of the majority of people in Taiwan. We assert instead that this was probably due to interaction between the following two factors. First, Taiwanese learners of Japanese as a second language employed the simplification strategy that is so often found in second language learning. Second, the spread of Japanese in Taiwan started out with the Austronesian aborigines, most of whose languages have regular stress patterns with the penult and the final being the most preferred syllables. This fact, coupled with the fact that the penult is the most preferred mora on which the high pitch in Japanese falls, strongly prompted the aboriginal learners of Japanese to pronounce all Japanese words with a penultimate high pitch. In time, this innovation spread to all other speakers in Taiwan Our discussion of the phonology of Taiwan Mandarin falls into three sections: the initial consonants, the rimes and the tones. We make a detailed comparison of the phonological systems of both Mandarin and Taiwanese Minnan at the phonemic and subphonemic levels, and our results can account for most phonological features observed in Taiwan Mandarin. Our study also reveals, however, that a complete account of these features requires consideration of two other phenomena, namely, 1. the social milieu in which the language is learned and the way it is taught in schools, 2. hypercorrection.