本文試圖探討2005 年6月7日通過的修憲案，對立法院未來功能與角色的可能影響。在功能方面，本文以Patterson 及Loewenberg 提出國會的三層面主軸功能為分析架構。在角色方面，本文則同時運用Mezey 及Polsby 的角色分類概念來進行定位。經過初步的分析探討，本文認為修憲後的立法院在「選民與政府的聯繫」功能層面，會較導向爭取地方利益型的選民服務，其他功能都可能與目前狀況相去不遠。在「甄補行政立法領袖」這一層面，未來立院可能做為儲備地方首長或中央部會首長的人才庫方面，會有較佳的表現。最後在「衝突處理」層面上，本文也不認為未來立院會有更佳的表現。至於立院未來的角色，似仍將扮演「不甚重要」的「表演場」角色。

This paper explores the impact of the Seventh Amendment to the ROC Constitution, promulgated on June 7, 2005, on the role and function of Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan. In its perspective from the angle of function, this paper conducts its analysis utilizing a three-layer functional framework of legislature suggested by Patterson and Loewenberg. The three layers of the legislature’s functions are: linkage, recruiting legislative and executive leaders, and conflict management. In its perspective from the angle of role, both Mezey’s and Polsby’s concepts of role classification are employed to provide a picture of Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan after the implementation of the new constitutional amendment. After a preliminary analysis, this paper suggests that the linkage function of the Legislative Yuan would orient it more toward the benefit of each legislator’s constituency as a whole rather than toward that of the individual voter under the new constitutional amendment. As to the other linkage functions, such as accountability, representation, and institutional membership, the future Legislative Yuan should perform with almost the same degree of effectiveness as the current one does. At the level of recruiting legislative and executive leaders, the Legislative Yuan in the future should be able to nurture more political leaders for both the local and central governments than it does right now. Last, at the level of conflict management, neither does this paper conclude that the Legislative Yuan could do a better job in the future. In sum, no matter what theoretical framework is employed, the Legislative Yuan may still play the role of a “not so significant arena” in the context of the new constitutional amendment.