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題名:關於楊堅興起背景的考察
書刊名:漢學研究
作者:呂春盛 引用關係
作者(外文):Leu, Chuen-sheng
出版日期:2000
卷期:18:2=37
頁次:頁167-196
主題關鍵詞:楊堅楊忠北周宣帝關隴集團隋代Yang ChienYang ChungHsuan-ti of Northern ChouKuan lung blocSui Dynasty
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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  • 被引用次數被引用次數:期刊(4) 博士論文(4) 專書(2) 專書論文(0)
  • 排除自我引用排除自我引用:4
  • 共同引用共同引用:189
  • 點閱點閱:74
     北周末年楊堅在毫無跡象的情形下突然興起代周,引起不少史家驚訝:「古來得天下之易,未有如隋文帝者。」為了解釋這種突起的變局,已往學者都強調楊堅之家世背景以及其婚姻關係,楊堅父楊忠在西魏府兵制度成立時為十二大將軍之一,北周時位至柱國、大 司空,楊堅之妻獨孤氏為西魏元勳武將、北周大益司馬獨孤信之女,楊堅之長女則嫁給北周宣帝,據此認為楊堅不但出身名門,又聯姻權貴,且具有外戚身分,因此在北周末年已有雄厚的個人勢力,終能篡周建隋。另外有的學者則從西魏北周漢族勢力之興起,強調楊堅出身弘農華陰之漢人名門家族,因而能夠得到勢力高張的漢族支持,終能結束北周胡族政權建立漢族的隋帝國。以上這些說法雖然不能說完全無據,但卻也難免有捕風捉影誇大其詞的情形。本文對以上論點,做較實證的檢討,認為楊堅之家世背景以及其婚姻關係,只是其出仕或高升的基本條件,而非決定性的要件,因此不宜做誇大的解釋,至於北周漢族勢力高張之說恐亦猜測的成分居多。另一方面,本文亦不認為楊堅之得位出於歷史的偶然性,而是認為楊堅得位的決定性要件,除了其具有非凡的才華掌握周末變局之外,北周政權已深藏的各種弱點,如過度的中央集權化體制、北周權力基礎的狹窄化、北周後期的弊政,如武帝廢佛道二教措施、宣帝刑法嚴酷等等,這些政權弱點被楊堅所充分利用才是決定性的要件。
     Unexpectedly overthrowing the Chou Dynasty, Yang Chien 楊堅 established the Sui Dynasty. This astonished many historians, as they felt that no one would ever be able to usurp the throne so easily and become Sui Wen-ti隋文帝. To illustrate such a drastic historical change, some historians focused on Yang Chien's family background, including the connections he established through his own and his daughters' marriages. Yang Chien's father, Yang Chung 楊忠, was one of the main twelve generals when the Western Wei's Garrison Militia system was established. During the Northern Chou, Yang Chien was promoted to Chu-kuo 柱國 and Ta-szu-k'ung 大司空. Moreover, Yang Chien married the daughter of Tu-ku Hsin 獨孤信, Western Wei' s veteran military commander and Northern Chou's Ta-szu-ma 大司馬, while his eldest daughter married Northern Chou's Hsuan-ti 宣帝. Thus, in the eyes of many scholars Yang not only came from an aristocratic background, but also intentionally allied himself with powerful and noble families, including that of the queen. In sum, Yang Chien gradually built up his family ties to usurp Northern Chou's power and establish the Sui Dynasty. Other scholars emphasize the rise of the Han people during the Western Wei and Northern Chou periods. As Yang Chien himself was a Han noble from Hua-yin in Hung-nung prefecture, he easily obtained the support of the newly powerful Han. In this manner he managed to overthrow Northern Chou, which the Han considered barbarian, to form the Han-Sui Empire. Although evidence exists to support the above claims, unavoidably much of it contains speculation and exaggeration. This article provides more valid proof, presenting a different historical perspective on the matter. TO begin with, the article shows that Yang's family background had little influence on his rise to power. Thus, the exaggerated explanations and suppositions about his background are inappropriate. Furthermore, theories about the rising influence of the Han in the Northern Chou are also mainly speculative. As a result, this article concludes that Yang's rise was by no means an accident, but rather due to his brilliantly taking control of the situation at the end of the Northern Chou Dynasty. The Northern Chou eventually showed weakness in many areas, such as over-centralization of power and an ever-diminishing power base. Mistakes in governing, such as Wu-ti's abandonment of Buddhism and Taoism, and Husan-ti's excessive system of corporal punishment, further weakened the Northern Chou. Yang Chien took advantage of problems like these to easily usurp the Northern Chou throne.
Other
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期刊論文
1.王桐齡(1932)。楊隋李唐先世系統考。女師大學術季刊,2(2)。  延伸查詢new window
2.王光照(1998)。隋文獻獨孤皇后與開皇世政治。中國史研究,1998(4)。  延伸查詢new window
3.呂春盛(19940600)。從府兵將領看西魏中期的權力結構。臺南師院學報,27,211-236。new window  延伸查詢new window
4.呂春盛(19950300)。論北鎮勢力在西魏政權中的擴張--「關隴集團」權力結構演變之一考察。大陸雜誌,90(3),9-21。  延伸查詢new window
5.宋德熹(19920300)。獨孤氏興衰史論--「關隴集團」政權中代北家族個案研究之一。興大歷史學報,2,13-40。new window  延伸查詢new window
6.竹田龍兒(1958)。門閥としての弘農楊氏についての一考察。史學,31(1-4)。  延伸查詢new window
7.蘇慶彬(196408)。元魏北齊北周政權下漢人勢力之推移。新亞學報。new window  延伸查詢new window
8.呂春盛(19941200)。北周前期的政局與政權的弱點。國立臺灣大學歷史學系學報,18,89-120。new window  延伸查詢new window
9.周雙林(1995)。北周趙貴、獨孤信事件考論。文史,40,57-66。  延伸查詢new window
10.呂春盛(19940600)。宇文泰親信集團與魏周革命。國立臺灣大學文史哲學報,41,19-48。new window  延伸查詢new window
11.呂春盛(1994)。西魏政權的構造及其性格。東洋史苑,42/43,1-24。  延伸查詢new window
12.王光照(1993)。武藝絕倫識量沈深─隋文帝先君楊忠。文史知識,87。  延伸查詢new window
13.毛漢光(1988)。李淵崛起之分析─論隋末「李氏當王」與三李。中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊,59(4),1041。new window  延伸查詢new window
14.谷川道雄(1967)。蘇綽の六條詔書について。名古屋大學文學部研究論集:史學,15,10。  延伸查詢new window
會議論文
1.甘懷真(199907)。楊堅集團與隋朝開國--兼論隋朝立國文化政策。第四屆唐代文化學術研討會。臺南:成功大學教務處出版組。8-9。  延伸查詢new window
學位論文
1.呂春盛(1993)。西魏北周政治史研究--以權力結構演變為中心之考察(博士論文)。國立臺灣大學。new window  延伸查詢new window
2.張繼昊(1993)。北系部落民與北魏政權研究(博士論文)。國立台灣大學。new window  延伸查詢new window
圖書
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7.王夫之(1976)。讀通鑑論。臺北:河洛圖書出版社。  延伸查詢new window
8.谷霽光(1962)。府兵制度考釋。上海:上海人民出版社。  延伸查詢new window
9.呂春盛(19870000)。北齊政治史研究:北齊衰亡原因之考察。臺北:國立臺灣大學出版委員會。new window  延伸查詢new window
10.張偉國(1993)。宇文護與河東漢人豪族。關隴武將與周隋政權。廣州。  延伸查詢new window
11.呂思勉(1977)。隋文帝代周。兩晉南北朝史。臺北。  延伸查詢new window
12.岑仲勉(1957)。隋唐史(上)。隋唐史(上)。北京。  延伸查詢new window
13.沈炳震(1959)。唐書宰相世系表訂偽。二十五史補篇(六)。臺北。  延伸查詢new window
14.陳寅恪(1979)。唐代政治史述論稿。陳寅恪先生全集(上冊)。臺北。  延伸查詢new window
15.布目潮渢(1968)。楊玄感の叛乱。隋唐史研究(上篇)。東京。  延伸查詢new window
16.仁井田陞(1981)。六朝および唐初の身分的内婚制。補訂中國法制史研究・奴隸農奴法、家族村落法。東京。  延伸查詢new window
17.アーサー F. ライト(1982)。隋代史。隋代史。東京。  延伸查詢new window
18.谷川道雄(1971)。周末・隋初の政界と新旧貴族。隋唐帝國形成史論(第III編)。東京。  延伸查詢new window
19.濱口重國。西魏に於ける虜姓再行の事情。秦漢隋唐史の研究(上巻)。東京。  延伸查詢new window
其他
1.(唐)李延壽(1975)。北史,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
2.(唐)吳兢。貞觀政要,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
3.(宋)趙明誠(1977)。金石錄,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
4.(唐)釋道宣(1972)。集古今佛道論衡,臺北。  延伸查詢new window
5.(北宋)司馬光。資治通鑑。  延伸查詢new window
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1.王永興(1991)。楊隋氏族問題述要--學習陳寅恪先生史學的一些體會。季羨林教授八十華誕紀念論文集。南昌:江西人民出版社。  延伸查詢new window
2.濱口重國(1966)。西魏の二十四軍と府兵制。秦漢隋唐史の研究(上巻)。東京。  延伸查詢new window
3.欠端實(1984)。隋代の弘農楊氏をめぐって。中國正史の基礎的研究。東京:早稻田大學出版部。  延伸查詢new window
4.杜維運(1977)。《廿二史劄記》校正本前言。廿二史劄記。臺北:華世出版社。  延伸查詢new window
 
 
 
 
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