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題名:兩岸對政治談判的評估及因應策略分析
書刊名:問題與研究
作者:張執中 引用關係
作者(外文):Chang, Chih-chung
出版日期:2002
卷期:41:1
頁次:頁25-50
主題關鍵詞:兩岸關係政治談判均衡點雙層賽局共識圈策略Cross-strait relationsPolitical negotiationBreak-even pointTwo-level gameWin-setTactics
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
相關次數:
  • 被引用次數被引用次數:期刊(4) 博士論文(0) 專書(0) 專書論文(1)
  • 排除自我引用排除自我引用:4
  • 共同引用共同引用:323
  • 點閱點閱:52
     兩岸主權問題的互斥性,完全彰顯在兩岸政治關係上。臺灣與大陸當局在「兩岸定位」與「未來走向」的認知差距與缺乏互信,使評估的均衡點長期在「對等╱安全」與「防獨╱促統」間擺盪,用以權衡「接受條件」、「沒有協議」與「繼續談判」,何者可以獲致最優的條件。本文旨在分析不同時期,兩岸談判背後的權力與價值,以及策略運用對現狀的影響。臺灣雖然歷經「政黨輪替」,改變了國共內戰史觀,但新政府仍須面對中共「一中原則」與「一國兩制」的協商框架;不同的是,國內朝野「共識圈(win-set)的分裂,影響了談判的權力與策略的運用;兩岸議題的相互掛鉤、「經發會」共識的落實與加入世貿後的「三通」,使新政府較過去更難以拒絕談判。中共自信擁有時間的優勢,刻意使對手處於依賴地位,讓我方不得不重新估算「抗衡」的成本,包括籌碼使用的控制、「堅持立場」對政治能量的消耗,以及冗長的談判過程阻礙其他重要議題的發展。如何在兩岸競合關係上,爭取更多時間與機會,正考驗著新政府的能力。
     Since sovereignty is a vital national interest, the political negotiations between Mainland China and Taiwan fall within the realm of a zero-sum game. Both sides insist on different interpretations of the issues of both political identity and the future resolution of the cross-strait relationship. Taipei pays close attention to parity and security, while Beijing's focus is on opposing independence and promoting unification. According to these break-even points of evaluation, decision-makers must aggregate many diverse estimates into over-all values. They must decide whether agreement on balance, is preferable to all the likely consequence of no-agreement as well as to all the prospects and risks of further bargaining. This paper analyses the power and values of cross-strait negotiation tactics that parties will different power structures employ, as well as the influences and outcomes of the status quo. Despite Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) member Chen Shui-bian assuming the presidency-thereby stopping the possibility of a third round of CCP-KMT cooperation for unification, the new government still must deal with China's formula of "one country, two system" and her "one China" policy. "Win-set" divisions among the domestic political parties influences Taiwan's bargaining power and strategy. At the same time, the two sides have developed increasing trade interdependence over the past few years. Relatively speaking, however, Taiwan has become more dependent on the Mainland. Beijing believes that time is on its side, with its adversary in a dependent position. The DPP government must re-estimate the cost of controlling resource use; sustaining commitment depletes political energy and a drawn-out negotiation process will interfere with the government's ability to focus on other important foreign and domestic issues. The government must seek both time and opportunity in managing cross-strait ties.
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其他
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2.中共國務院臺灣事務辦公室,國務院新聞辦公室。「臺灣問題與中國的統一」白皮書。  延伸查詢new window
3.中國國務院臺灣事務辦公室,國務院新聞辦公室。一個中國原則與臺灣問題,沒有紀錄。  延伸查詢new window
4.民進黨第二屆第一次臨時大會(1988)。四一七決議文,沒有紀錄。  延伸查詢new window
5.民進黨第四屆第二次全代大會(1990)。一00七決議文,沒有紀錄。  延伸查詢new window
6.臺灣前途決議文,沒有紀錄。  延伸查詢new window
7.民進黨第五屆第一次全代大會(1991)。「建立主權獨立自主的臺灣共和國」基本綱領,沒有紀錄。  延伸查詢new window
8.趙春山。中共發表對臺白皮書,先聲奪人,沒有紀錄。  延伸查詢new window
9.行政院大陸委員會。第四次「大陸政策與兩岸關係」大型面訪民意調查結果分析報告,沒有紀錄。  延伸查詢new window
圖書論文
1.林繼文(2000)。半總統制下的三角政治均衡。政治制度。臺北:中央研究院中山人文社會科學研究所。  延伸查詢new window
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